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Wednesday 30 September 2020

Arthur Honegger - Symphonies Nos. 1-5; Pacific 231

"Though born in Le Havre, Arthur Honegger was Swiss by parentage and nationality, and began his studies at the Zurich Conservatoire. But he spent much of his life in Montmartre, becoming closely identified with the inter-war developments in French music. He was among those who clustered round the venerably eccentric figure of Erik Satie, and was also one of 'les Six', a group of iconoclastic young Parisian composers who are best remembered for their flippantly satirical 'entertainment music' and cultivation of 'Franco-American' jazz style. Yet the weightier creative personalities among them soon began to go their separate ways; Honegger, arguably the least flippant of them all, did so earliest. It was in the forms of symphony, oratorio and chamber music that he achieved lasting success. 
 
"Even his notorious tone poem Pacific 231 is subtitled 'symphonic movement'. A virtuoso study in rhythm and orchestral scoring, it evokes the journey of a great modern express train (a 300-ton 'Pacific' class locomotive with a wheel configuration of 2-3-1 each side) pulling out of the station and gradually gathering speed until it is hurtling through the night at 120 km/h. Honegger said his aim was not to imitate the noise of a locomotive but to reproduce its visual impression and physical sensation through a musical design. 
 
"In 1929 Serge Koussevitzky, who conducted Pacific 231's scandalously successful 1924 premiere at the Paris Opera, commissioned Honegger to compose a piece in honour of the fiftieth anniversary of the Boston Symphony Orchestra. The result was the First Symphony, premiered by the orchestra under Koussevitzky on 13 February 1931. Like all Honegger's symphonies, this is cast in three movements, concise and clearly contrasted, with the slow movement providing the centre of gravity. The pounding motoric rhythms and sinewy counterpoint of the first movement is balanced by the ardently serious and songful slow movement, which begins with passionate instrumental recitative. The brilliant, toccata-like finale eventually slows into an unexpectedly gentle and fulfilled-sounding epilogue. 
 
"Honegger's remaining symphonies were all composed in the decade 1940-1950. In a sense, Nos. 2 to 4 form a 'war' trilogy reflecting his reactions to the events of the Second World War. The Second Symphony, for string orchestra with trumpet, written during the German occupation of Paris, is in a wiry, vigorous, and deeply troubled neo-Classical idiom, the promise of deliverance being proclaimed by an eloquent trumpet chorale at the very end. It was composed for Paul Sacher, who gave the first performance in Zurich in May 1942. 
 
"The Third Symphony, entitled 'Liturgique', was begun at the end of the war and was also premiered in Zurich, conducted by Charles Munch, in-August 1946. Honegger himself spoke of this work as 'a drama played out by three protagonists: happiness, misery and man. That is the eternal problem'. The very dark instrumental timbres, shot through occasionally with searchlight beams of bright instrumental colour, create a largely nocturnal impression — a sound-world where ignorant armies seem to clash by night beneath the immaculate purity of the stars. The furious, toccata-like 'Dies irae', the grave, chant-like 'De profundis' and the remorseless war-march of the 'Dona nobis' give way at last to a transfiguringly seraphic coda, with a nightingale song on flute entwined with ecstatic solo violin. 
 
"The Fourth Symphony, subtitled 'Deliciae Basilienses' ('The delights of Basle'), was composed for the twentieth anniversary of the Basle Chamber Orchestra, and premiered by them under Paul Sacher in January 1947. This is the most serene and radiant of Honegger's symphonies, poised and lyrical, a celebration of peace linked specifically to the neutrality of Switzerland, with old Swiss folksongs woven into the texture. Lyricism and contentment give way in the finale to the merriment of trumpet and drums.

"Some months after the premiere of this symphony, Honegger suffered a severe heart attack, leaving him an invalid for the remainder of his life, during which he composed his Fifth Symphony for the Koussevitsky Music Foundation. Charles Munch directed the premiere in Boston the following year. Honegger called it 'Di tre re', referring to the pianissimo note D, on timpani and pizzicato basses, concluding each of the three movements. Perhaps he meant this as a symbol of inevitable fate: the mood of the work is predominantly dark and tragic. On the other hand, he regarded it as his most successful essay in symphonic form. The Fifth is Honegger’s only symphony to begin with a slow movement: a majestic but anguished chorale for full orchestra, gradually dissolving into more lyrical but still tragically accented contrasting ideas for smaller groups of instruments. The second movement is a fleet-winged, almost Mendelssohnian scherzo, enclosing at its heart a profoundly expressive Adagio. Frenetic and furious, the finale seems to be powered by an unstoppable drive, but at last runs down, like an untended machine, to quiet extinction." (Malcolm MacDonald. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Orchestre du Capitole de Toulouse, Michel Plasson

1.1. Symphony No. 1: I. Allegro Marcato
1.2. Symphony No. 1: II. Adagio
1.3. Symphony No. 1: III. Presto
1.4. Symphony No. 2: I. Molto Moderato
1.5. Symphony No. 2: II. Adagio Mesto
1.6. Symphony No. 2: III. Vivace Ma Non Troppo - Presto
1.7. Symphony No. 3 'Liturgique': I. Dies Irae, Allegro Marcato
1.8. Symphony No. 3 'Liturgique': II. De Profundis Clamavi, Adagio
1.9. Symphony No. 3 'Liturgique': III. Dona Nobis Pacem, Andante

2.1. Symphony No. 4 'Deliciae Basilienses': I. Lento E Misterioso - Allegro - Lento - Allegro Molto Tranquillo
2.2. Symphony No. 4 'Deliciae Basilienses': II. Larghetto
2.3. Symphony No. 4 'Deliciae Basilienses': III. Allegro - Adagio - Allegro
2.4. Symphony No. 5 'Di Tre Re': I. Grave
2.5. Symphony No. 5 'Di Tre Re': II. Allegretto - Adagio
2.6. Symphony No. 5 'Di Tre Re': III. Allegro Marcato
2.7. Pacific 231 (Mouvement Symphonique No. 1)

Jean-Baptiste Lully - Armide

"'If you have heard 'Armide' performed well, you may flatter yourself on having heard the most beautiful piece of music to have been written in the past fifteen or sixteen centuries: of that I am most confident. [...] For myself, I believe I have seen a performance of 'Armide' that entitles me to put that work above everything so many centuries have produced. The memory of that night has always remained with me, and I cherish it.' 
 
"Thus enthused a young Rouen magistrate and opera-lover, Jean-Laurent Lecerf de La Viéville, over the last of the tragedies en musique produced by Quinault and Lully. Since Lecerf was only twelve years old in 1686, when the work was first performed, he must have attended one of the many revivals in Paris, probably in 1697 or during the 1703-04 season. For one who greatly appreciated Tancrède, composed by a man of his own generation, Campra, the older 'Armide' that made such a strong impression on him seemed the finest example of 'total theatre,' worthy of the plays of Euripides or Sophocles. In his 'Comparaison de la musique italienne et de la musique francaise,' published in 1706, he lauded the strength of both the libretto and the music. 'Do you know anything in all our operas more universally captivating and moving than the two pieces sung by Armide?' he wrote with reference to the two grand arias ('Enfin it est en ma puissance,' Act II, Scene V, and 'Renaud, Ciel, ô mortelle peine,' Act V, Scene IV). 

"And he was not alone in being moved by those later performances: 'When Armide is about to stab Renaud in the final scene of Act II,' he reported, 'I have seen the whole audience, all eyes and ears, frozen with fear, not daring to breathe, until the air for the violin at the end of the scene finally releases the tension and allows them to breathe again, and a hum of joy and admiration is heard. [...] This unanimous reaction showed that the scene was indeed amazing.'
 
"For Lecerf, everything about 'Armide,' 'the ladies' opera,' was admirable, 'supremely beautiful.' The music was 'simple. free and easy, and consistent,' with Lully 'skilfully bringing out the meaning [of every word] in the recitative.' Everything amazed him: the violin accompaniment, the exclamations, the 'vivid vocal expression,' the orchestra, the dances, and the choruses, 'more substantial than anywhere else in Europe.' Even the soloists found favour in his eyes, although most of them were past their prime. As Armide, Marie ('Marthe') Le Rochois met with great success. Louis Gaulard Dumesny, known as Dumesnil, took the part of Renaud, and 'fortunately he was sober!'
 
"By fifteen years after its creation, 'Armide' had thus become a model, a myth, the perfect example of a tragedie en musique. The work appears to have fascinated audiences from the start. Henry Baud de Sainte-Frique, a gentleman of Languedoc, a very distinguished member of the court, and a fine dancer who had taken part at Versailles in 'Le Triomphe de l'Amour' in 1681 and 'Le Carrousel des Galants Maures' in June 1685, was amazed by the attendance a week after the premier, 'there was such a large crowd that no more could enter at all. More than a hundred people were on the stage itself [...]. All the loges held ten people each, when they were already uncomfortably full with seven.' And the work continued to be an unfailing success. The enchantment scenes delighted the Siamese ambassadors when they attended the opera in January 1687. The Mercure of 1724 published an article with a detailed description of the work, including whole pages from Lecerf de La Viéville's 'Comparaison.' Quinault's heroine 'draws sighs and tears,' and Renaud's heroism in 'abandoning the princess of Damascus, despite the charms and pleasures of her company' it found admirable. Some fifteen years later Louis Racine compared 'Armide' to his father's 'Phèdre' and to Moliere's 'Le Misanthrope.' The work made such an impression that Philippe II, Duke of Orleans. who had studied with Charpentier, composed a 'Suite d'Armide, ou Jérusalem délivrée' in 1704, and Henry Desmarest wrote an opera, 'Renaud ou Ia suite d'Armide,' that was performed in 1722 as part of the celebrations for the arrival in Paris of the Infanta-Queen (Louis XV's little fiancée, Mariana Victoria of Spain). 

"Only Jean-Jacques Rousseau was critical of the masterpiece. He particularly objected to Armide's aborted vengeance with the celebrated monologue 'Enfin it est en ma puissance.' In his 'Lettre sur Ia musique française' (1753) he wrote: 'To sum up my sentiment [...] in a few words, I say that if one looks upon it as singing, neither metre, nor character, nor melody is found in it; if one wishes to see it as recitative, it has neither naturalness nor expressiveness!' He found 'the ornaments of song even more ridiculous in such a situation than they usually are in French music' and 'its modulation is regular, but puerile for the same reason, pedantic. without power, without perceptible feeling.' Rameau, then at the height of his fame, responded with a counter-examination in the 1754 'Observations sur notre instinct pour la musique, et sur son principe,' aiming 'to render to Lully the justice owed to him' after Rousseau's 'ill-founded' criticism. He strongly defended the monologue as 'a masterpiece,' a true demonstration of artistry; he praised Lully's skill, his ability to 'think in grand terms' ('Lully pensait en grand'), and dismissed Rousseau's contradictions and false interpretations. Many years later, in a letter of January 1787 addressed to Friedrich Melchior. Baron von Grimm, Diderot described the libretto of 'Armide' as Quinault's masterpiece ('le chef-d'œuvre de ce poète lyrique').'Everything the lovers say radiates the intoxication and frenzy of their happiness'; and he admires Renaud for the love that he 'sacrifices only to glory'. Finally, the libretto inspired Gluck to compose his own version of it in 1777.
 
"The opera was immediately a huge success, but its genesis came in what was overall a very grim year for Lully. 1685 had begun very well with the first performance in January of a new tragédie en musique in collaboration with Quinault, 'Roland', which had been very well received. Several other works by the composer were premiered: 'Quare fremuerunt', which was to serve as a model of the grand motet for the four recently appointed sous-maitres of the royal chapel; 'L'Idylle stir la paix', to a text by Jean Racine, given at Sceaux; the opera-ballet 'Le Temple de la Paix', performed in October during the court's residence at Fontainebleau (the Mercure praised its dialogues as 'beautiful beyond anything we have seen of such a nature'). There was also a great deal of instrumental music, with the already-mentioned 'Carrousel des Galants Maures' at Versailles and sumptuous entertainments at Marly. However, times had changed. 'Entertainments at Versailles have given way to devotion,' reported the Dutch gazettes. Under the influence of Madame de Maintenon, the king henceforth forsook entertainments, went daily to Saint-Cyr and took an interest in religious doctrine. That was the time of the persecution of the Huguenots, the passing of the decree known as the Code Noir, expeditions against the Barbary States, tensions with the Holy Roman Empire, soon further complicated by the death of Charles II, Elector Palatine, and finally, in October, the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. Pleasures were clearly no longer on the king's agenda. He declined the Duke of Mazarin's invitation to Rueil for the inauguration of an equestrian statue portraying him 'in French costume', for example, and his doing so at the last moment, after everything had been lavishly prepared to receive him, meant that the divertissements composed specially for the occasion by Charpentier and Brossard were never performed. 

"In that rather bleak context. Lully was caught at the beginning of the year in a scandalous affair with one of the king's young 'music pages'. It became the talk of Versailles and provided a subject for street ballads of the day. Abbe Bourdaloue preached a sermon at Versailles about the dangers to youth of vice. The young castrato Atto Melani related all this to his patron, the Grand Duke of Tuscany. The page in question was packed off to a monastery, and Lully was informed that he could no longer count on the king's protection. Then in the spring another scandal broke, this time at the Académie royale de musique (the Opera), where, following Lully's decision to cut off the pensions to veterans, four of the institution's finest and most eminent singers walked out, to the great displeasure of the opera-going public. Once again, the king had to step in and overrule the composer. To add further to Lully's worries, in the autumn of that year the Theatine monastery opposite the Louvre began to present regular concerts for paying audiences 'in the manner of the Roman oratories', and these, presenting as they did the most excellent singers as well as fine musicians under the maitre de musique Paolo Lorenzani (whose music was very much to the liking of Louis XIV), soon became exceedingly popular. Perceiving a threat to his monopoly, Lully attempted to put a stop to those church performances of what he deemed to be 'veritable operas'. But his efforts were in vain: the king refused to call the devotional concerts into question (La Gorce). Finally, at the end of the year (according to Lully's letter of dedication to the king, which appeared in the printed score, published shortly after the first performance of 'Armide') the composer suddenly fell dangerously ill, suffering 'the most violent pains [he had] ever endured', but he nevertheless managed to complete the work on time. Lully was no doubt hoping to obtain the king's sympathy. For Louis XIV had been unable to attend the performances because of his own great discomfort: he was about to undergo a complex and very delicate operation to treat an anal fistula.
 
"The earliest documents that mention 'Armide' date from May 1685, when Philippe de Courcillon, Marquis de Dangeau, recounts in his memoirs Quinault's meeting with Louis XIV in the apartments of Madame de Montespan. As usual, the poet took with him three different plots for the king to choose from. In the first one, set in fourth-century Gaul at the time of the Roman emperor Constantius, the great general Sylvanus was valiantly saved by Malaric, king of the Franks, from a conspiracy to discredit him. The second project. based on Ovid ('Metamorphoses'), told of the love between Cephalus and Procris and the jealousy of Aurora, goddess of the dawn (a subject that was to be taken up a few years later by Elisabeth Jacquet de La Guerre). Finally, borrowed from Torquato Tasso's 'Gerusalemme liberata', there was the tale of Armide, who for all her magic powers is unable to prevent Renaud, after an infatuation with pleasure and diversion, from obeying the call of duty and returning to Godefroy's camp to fulfil his military and religious obligations. Louis loved tales of chivalry and he chose the latter, thus marking a new direction in theatrical entertainments at Versailles: a move away from the image of the king as Apollo and towards the 'new Charlemagne'. Had he heard read to him in his youth 'Les Amours d'Armide', a delightful romance by Pierre Joulet, or the more recent 'Avantures de Renaud et d'Armide' by Antoine Gombaud, Chevalier de Mere? Anyway, the character of the beautiful, passionate princess appealed to him, as did the mysterious East (Damascus), the Crusades, the scenes of enchantment promised by Quinault and, above all, the presence of Renaud, a prince with whom he could identify. Furthermore, the plot held many opportunities for Lully to provide spectacular divertissements: the peoples of Damascus celebrating Armide's victory; the demons transformed into flying zephyrs; Renaud's sleep scene, with more demons in the guise of nymphs and shepherds; visions of the underworld; Hate and the Furies; then Ubalde and the Danish knight, more demons in disguise, caves and wild beasts, abysses and terrifying monsters... not forgetting the entertainments provided by the Pleasures and the 'fortunate lovers'.
 
"The libretto was not completed until the end of 1685, when Quinault submitted it for reading to the Dauphin and Dauphine. However, Lully had worked on the music while 'Le Temple de la paix' was in performance. 'Armide' was to have been given at Versailles, but such was the success of 'Le Temple de Ia paix' that it received additional performances in December 1685 and January 1686, which delayed the opening of the 'Ballet de la jeunesse' (Dancourt and Lalande) until 28 January. Then that in turn ran until 25 February, by which time it was in alternation with Henry Desmarest's opera 'Endymion'. As the Mercure mentioned: since the delay prevented 'Armide' from being performed at court, it was finally presented in Paris at the Théâtre Royal de Musique (Lully's public theatre in the Palais-Royal) on 15 February 1686. 

"'Armide' was included among the 'illustrious women' of Madeleine de Scudery: 'If we consider [Armide] from one angle, she is an Enchantress, she is artful; she is a cruel person; she is a young woman who has renounced the modesty of her sex; and in short, if we wished to paint her portrait thus, it would most certainly be a rather unattractive one: but it is also true that it would not be a very good likeness. If, on the other hand, we see her as a Princess, who has acted only as a Woman Warrior and a Lover, all her charms will be innocent; all her artifices will bring her glory; her cruelty will be fair: her modesty spotless, and our portrait will no doubt be a good likeness, and (unless I am mistaken) it will not be at all unpleasant.'" (Jean Duron. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Les Talens Lyriques, Choeur de Chambre de Namur, Christophe Rousset, Marie-Adeline Henry, Antonio Figueroa, Judith van Wanroij, Mari-Claude Chappuis, Marc Mauillon, Douglas Williams, Cyril Auvity, Emiliano Gonzalez Toro, Etienne Bazola

1.1. Prologue: Ouverture
1.2. Prologue: 'Tout Doit Céder Dans L'univers'
1.3. Prologue: 'D'une Égale Tendresse'
1.4. Prologue: Entrée
1.5. Prologue: Menuet
1.6. Prologue: Gavotte
1.7. Prologue: 'Suivons Notre Héros, Que Rien Ne Nous Sépare'
1.8. Prologue: Entrée
1.9. Prologue: Menuet
1.10. Prologue: 'Que Dans Le Temple De Mémoire'
1.11. Prologue: Ouverture (Reprise)
1.12. Acte I, Scène I: 'Dans Un Jour De Triomphe, Au Milieu Des Plaisirs'
1.13. Acte I, Scène I: 'Je Ne Triomphe Pas Du Plus Vaillant De Tous'
1.14. Acte I, Scène II: 'Armide, Que Le Sang Qui M'unit Avec Vous'
1.15. Acte I, Scène III: Entrée
1.16. Acte I, Scène III: 'Armide Est Encore Plus Aimable'
1.17. Acte I, Scène III: 'Suivons Armide Et Chantons Sa Victoire'/'Que La Douceur D'un Triomphe Est Extrême'
1.18. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Ô Ciel! Ô Disgrâce Cruelle!'
1.19. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Poursuivons Jusqqu'au Trépas'
1.20. Acte I, Scène IV: Entracte
1.21. Acte II, Scène I: 'Invincible Héros, C'est Par Votre Courage'
1.22. Acte II, Scène II: 'Arrêtons‐nous Ici, C'est Dans Ce Lieu Fatal'
1.23. Acte II, Scène III: 'Plus J'observe Ces Lieux, Et Plus Je Les Admire'
1.24. Acte II, Scène IV: 'Au Temps Heureux Où L'on Sait Plaire'
1.25. Acte II, Scène IV: 'Ah! Quelle Erreur! Quelle Folie!'
1.26. Acte II, Scène IV: Premier Air
1.27. Acte II, Scène IV: Second Air
1.28. Acte II, Scène IV: 'On S'étonnerait Moins Que La Saison Nouvelle'
1.29. Acte II, Scène IV: 'Ah! Quelle Erreur! Quelle Folie!'
1.30. Acte II, Scène V: 'Enfin Il Est En Ma Puissance'
1.31. Acte II, Scène V: Entr'acte

2.1. Acte III, Scène I: 'Ah! Si La Liberté Me Doit Être Ravie'
2.2. Acte III, Scène II: 'Que Ne Peut Point Votre Art?'
2.3. Acte III, Scène III: 'Venez, Venez, Haine Implacable'
2.4. Acte III, Scène IV: 'Je Réponds À Tes Vœux, Ta Voix S'est Fait Entendre'
2.5. Acte III, Scène IV: Entrée
2.6. Acte III, Scène IV: 'Amour, Sors Pour Jamais, Sors D'un Cœur Qui Te Chasse'
2.7. Acte III, Scène IV: Air
2.8. Acte III, Scène IV: 'Sors, Sors Du Sein D'Armide, Brise Ta Chaîne'
2.9. Acte III, Scène IV: Entr'acte
2.10. Acte IV, Scène I: 'Nous Ne Trouvons Partout Que Des Gouffres Ouverts'
2.11. Acte IV, Scène II: 'Voici La Charmante Retraite'
2.12. Acte IV, Scène II: Gavotte
2.13. Acte IV, Scène II: Canaries
2.14. Acte IV, Scène II: 'Allons, Qui Vous Retient Encore?'
2.15. Acte IV, Scène III: 'Je Tourne En Vain Les Yeux De Toutes Parts'
2.16. Acte IV, Scène IV: 'D'où Vient Que Vous Vous Détournez'
2.17. Acte IV, Scène IV: 'Que Devient L'objet Qui M'enflamme?'
2.18. Acte IV, Scène IV: Entr'acte
2.19. Acte V, Scène I: 'Armide, Voous M'allez Quitter!'
2.20. Acte V, Scène I: Passacaille
2.21. Acte V, Scène II: 'Les Plaisirs Ont Choisi Pour Asile'
2.22. Acte V, Scène II: 'Allez, Éloignez‐vous De Moi'
2.23. Acte V, Scène II: Prélude
2.24. Acte V, Scène III: 'Il Est Seul; Profitons D'un Temps Si Précieux'
2.25. Acte V, Scène IV: 'Renaud! Ciel! Ô Mortelle Peine!'
2.26. Acte V, Scène V: 'Le Perfide Renaud Me Fuit'
2.27. Acte V, Scène V: Prélude

Monday 28 September 2020

Nicola Porpora - Notturni per i Defunti

"In 1975 the American musicologist Everett Laverne Sutton devoted a small part of his pioneering doctoral thesis (on compositions for solo voice by Nicola Porpora) to some 'Notturni per i defunti' ('Nocturnes fir the Dead'), preserved as scores and individual parts at the Library of the Conservatorio di San Pietro a Majella in Naples. The analyses and historical hypotheses developed by Sutton — who worked in an environment in which gaining access to archives and information was an adventurous task — still reflect, many years later, the methodical researcher's perplexity in the face of the unusual and difficult task of situating the rediscovered repertoire. Recently, given the progress made in studies of Porpora and his life and times, we gained a fair understanding of the historical and liturgical context in which his music was created and of the transmission of some of his principal works. Both of these are fundamental to finding one's way through the chaotic critical-chronological puzzle of the manuscripts in which the Notturni are preserved.
 
"Its likely that these pieces were composed between 1739 and 1743, a period of the composer's life in which there are so many grey areas that what little information is known is uncertain (if not contradictory). In 1737 Porpora left London (where he was Handel's rival), settling in Venice and returning to opera composition. He replaced Johann Adolf Hasse as maestro at the Ospedale degli Incurabili. That same year the musician accepted imperial commissions in Vienna, such as the oratorio 'Il Gedeone' (performed on the 28th of March) and the cantata 'Il Ritiro.' 
 
"When Hasse returned to the Incurabili in September 1738, Porpora left the city for his native Naples, where from June 1739 he worked as maestro at the Conservatorio di S. Maria di Loreto. Then, in October 1741 the composer requested and obtained temporary leave from the institute to go to Venice. But, despite the commitments made in Naples, Porpora did not return. Having become maestro at the Ospedale della Pieta in 1742, in July of that same year he established a close relationship with the Ospedale dei Derelitti, where he was officially hired (after two years' unpaid service) on the 2nd of February 1744. The hypothesis that the Neapolitan could have been in London on the 24th of January 1743 for the first performance of 'Temistocle' seems somewhat doubtful today in light of the, recently researched, ongoing activities at the Derelitti. But what role did the 'Notturni' play in all of this?
 
"As indicated above, the music survives in one score (which is from the end of 18th century and contains only the lessons) and in some individual parts (which also include fragments of responsories). The parts can be divided into two main groups, which are linked to two distinct copying phases, both of which took place between the months of September and October in 1743 and 1760. There can be no doubt that these are linked to the activities of the Conservatorio di Loreto, since the copyists (in most cases the performers themselves) left in footnotes their own names and annotations such as 'written by Fica for the Holy House' or 'I, Geremia Gizzo wrote in the service of the Casa di Loreto': unequivocal signs that they belonged to the entourage of the institution. 

"It is a known fact that students of Neapolitan conservatories were under contract to provide services to churches linked to these institutions as well as — on special occasions — to chapels (including private ones) and convents, whose contracts with these educational institutions made up for the lack of a stable musical establishment. In the spring of 1760, because of the ever-worsening state of his own finances (above all the loss of a pension granted to him by the ruling House of Saxony), Porpora left Vienna, to which he had retired after honourable service to the court of Dresden. In April 1760 he returned to Naples and took up the special post of supernumerary maestro at the Conservatorio di Loreto, granted to him on the basis of his great renown. That same year moreover, the elderly composer also received (but declined) the title of maestro at another of the city's conservatories, Sant'Onofrio. The conclusion to be drawn from this state of affairs is simple: for an autumn 1760 celebration that was meant to be carried out by the students of the Conservatorio di S. Maria di Loreto — we'll see which one in a moment — Porpora re-used his own works (most likely revising them), which had been com-posed for a similar event about twenty years earlier (as attested by the pages copied in 1743).
 
"What the occasion was remains to be clarified. The period's liturgy required that the nocturnes for the dead be recited on two specific occasions: either for funeral rites or on All Souls Day, the 2nd of November. It is important to note how Porpora incorporates into the music each lesson from all of the nocturnes, something the liturgical rubrics justified only when celebrating the death of an extremely important person (for example, the Pope or the king) or on the specific occasion of the 2nd of November. No one with a status that would justify reciting the complete Office died in Naples or amongst Christians in either 1743 or 1760, whereas the copies were certainly made (in both cases) just before the commemoration of All Souls' Day. 

"One point remains to be explained. As we have seen, in 1743 Porpora had been in Venice since two years, busy with commissions and extra work for the Derelitti and he did not leave the city at all in October or November. How, then, can we explain the performance of his music in Naples? Simply by assuming a perfonnance taking place in his absence and by recalling that the accurate dating of the copies of parts does not in any way preclude the possibility that there were other, previous ones, of which there is no longer any trace. Porpora most likely wrote the music for the 2nd of November Office of the Matins as maestro of the Conservatorio di Loreto between 1739 and 1741, and it was so well received that it was used again. Or the composer could have sent a score from Venice in time for copies to be made for the celebrations in 1743: this thesis, however, has to be checked against historical evidence of the pace at which the composer worked at the Derelitti and with the possible deterioration of relations between Loreto and the musician, a point on which no definitive views can be stated yet.
In any case, of everything that Porpora put to music at this time, only the lessons survive in their entirety. Clearly reflecting a distinctively Neapolitan taste, they are presented (as is cus-tomary) as a splendid and expressive sequence — with very little rigidity — of recitatives, ariose and arias with no 'da capo.' Each lesson displays vocal writing with rather distinct character-istics because the intonation comes from nine different singers; the names inscribed on the indi-vidual parts for the 1760 performance indicate that the performers were the soprano castrati Albanese, Bertucci, Zingarelli and Zuattasis and the contraltos Gavigli, Gazzelli, Giovannini, Giuliano and Sacchini. Nothing is known, however, about the 1743 performers. 

"The rest of the Office is lost — assuming it was ever completely put to music. Nonetheless, the orchestral parts of the responsories following the individual lessons have survived together with a fragment (although it's crossed out) of the soprano part of 'Domine quando veneris.' It should be said that, from a philological point of view, restoration of the musical text of the lessons creates enormous problems, to which any sensible response has to be based on an informed hypothesis, though nothing can ever be said with absolute certainty. The large number of known variants is very difficult to manage, especially considering that the correlation between the manuscripts remains dangerously ambiguous in the absence of errors that would allow to relate them . It is also evident that at some point in time the link between lesson and responsory (envisaged at the outset) was broken by someone (who?), at least at the time of (or prior to?) the preparation of the late 18th century score, in which the individual lessons are clearly understood to be autonomous. 

"As has been said, little remains of the responsories: their inclusion in this recording must, therefore, be seen as the result of a new creative act motivated by the exceptional beauty of what did survive." (Stefano Aresi, tr. Rebecca Naidis. From the liner notes.)
 
Performers: La Stagione Armonica, Dolce & Tempesta, Stefano Demicheli, Monica Piccinini, Romina Basso

1. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Primo: Lezione I. Parce Mihi Domine
2. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Primo: Responsorio, Credo Quod Redemptor Meus Vivit
3. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Primo: Lezione II. Taedet Animam Meam
4. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Primo: Responsorio, Qui Lazarum Resuscitasti
5. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Primo: Lezione III. Manus Tuae Fecerunt Me
6. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Primo: Responsorio, Domine Quando Veneris
7. Nicola Fiorenza - Sinfonia In F Minor: I. Largo
8. Nicola Fiorenza - Sinfonia In F Minor: II. Allegro
9. Nicola Fiorenza - Sinfonia In F Minor: III. Largo
10. Nicola Fiorenza - Sinfonia In F Minor: IV. Allegro
11. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Secondo: Lezione I. Responde Mihi
12. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Secondo: Responsorio, Memento Mei Deus
13. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Secondo: Lezione II. Homo Natus De Muliere
14. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Secondo: Responsorio, Hei Mihi Domine
15. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Secondo: Lezione III. Quis Mihi Hoc Tribuat
16. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Secondo: Responsorio, Ne Recorderis
17. Nicola Fiorenza - Sinfonia In F Major: I. Largo
18. Nicola Fiorenza - Sinfonia In F Major: II. Allegro
19. Nicola Fiorenza - Sinfonia In F Major: III. Largo
20. Nicola Fiorenza - Sinfonia In F Major: IV. Non Presto
21. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Terzo: Lezione I. Spiritus Meus
22. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Terzo: Responsorio, Peccantem Me Quotidie
23. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Terzo: Lezione II. Pelli Meae Consumptis Carnibus
24. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Terzo: Responsorio, Domine Secumdum Actum Meum
25. Nicola Porpora - Notturno Terzo: Lezione III. Quare De Vulva 
 

Jean-Joseph Cassanéa de Mondonville - Les Fêtes de Paphos

"An eighteenth-century French music lover would surely be surprised at the scant attention paid to Mondonville in our century. Here was a man who held some of the most prestigious musical appointments in France, a man who, in his heyday, was considered Rameau's near-equal as an opera composer and very much his superior in the realm of the motet. As Pierre-Louis Daquin, son of the composer Louis-Claude Daquin, observed: 'If I were not Rameau, there is no one I would rather be than Mondonville' 

"Yet until the past few years modern performances have been rare. One reason for this neglect is that Mondonville's music does not always look especially interesting on the page. In performance, however, it comes alive in a surprisingly direct way. Now that performers have learned this lesson, we can expect to hear much more of so talented a composer. 

"Mondonville's biography is for the most part a catalogue of success. Born into an impoverished but aristocratic Languedoc family and baptised on Christmas Day 1711, he spent his formative years in Narbonne and Bordeaux. In 1733 he succumbed to the inevitable lure of Paris and soon established a reputation as a composer and virtuoso violinist. Thanks to his aristocratic background, he possessed the social skills to win powerful allies at Louis XV's court, among them the king's mistress, Madame de Pompadour. She helped him acquire several coveted posts in the royal chapel and the 'chambre du roi.' He eventually succeeded Royer in 1755 as one of the directors of the Concert Spirituel, the principal concert-giving organisation in Paris, where his motets and instrumental works had long enjoyed, and would continue to enjoy, widespread popular acclaim. Indeed, during his lifetime his vocal works were performed there more often than those of any other composer. 
 
"Surprisingly, Mondonville's operatic career began badly with the failure of 'Isbe' in 1742. By contrast, 'Le Carnaval du Parnasse,' produced seven years later, was a huge box-office hit, and was followed by a succession of operatic triumphs: 'Titan et l'Aurore' (1753), which rallied the supporters of French opera in their dispute with the devotees of Italian opera buffa during the notorious Querelle des Bouffons; 'Daphnis et Aleimadure' (1754), written in the dialect of his native Languedoc; and 'Les Fêtes de Paphos,' the present work (1758). This enjoyed twenty-nine consecutive performances and, although only the third act was ever revived, the popularity of the whole was never in doubt. 
 
"Alongside these works for the Paris Opera Mondonville composed two one-act operas for Madame de Pompadour's Theatre des Petits Cabinets, in which his patroness indulged her passion for amateur theatricals and took many of the leading roles. These works, 'Érigone' (1747) and 'Venus et Adonis' (1752), were to provide much of the material for the present opera. Les Fetes de Paphos, though described on the title page as a ballet heroïque, is better classified as an opera-ballet. Whereas the former genre normally involved one continuous plot spread over three acts, the latter typically comprised three or four acts (they were usually known as entrées in this context), each with its self-contained plot; the subject matter of the entrées was nevertheless linked to some general theme set out in a prologue. 
 
"Given the nature of opera-ballet, it was easy enough for Mondonville to incorporate his two one-act operas for Madame de Pompadour into the present work. Suitably modified, 'Venus et Adonis' became the first entrée and 'Érigone' (retitled 'Bacchus et Érigone') the second. To these were added a final entrée, 'L'Amour et Psyche,' and a prologue. This last, according to the libretto, was soon suppressed 'so as to avoid too long an entertainment' and has not survived. 
 
"Each entrée had a different librettist: 'Venus et Adonis' was by Collé, a minor literary figure, while 'Bacchus et Erigone was the work of La Bruère, who had supplied Rameau with the libretto of one of his finest tragedies, 'Dardanus' (1739). Mondonville himself claimed to have written the libretto of L'Amour et Psyche, but few believed that this was so. As the Due de la Vallière wryly observed: 'I know that Mondonville boasts of being the author of the text of 'Psyche'; but if he continues to peddle this fiction, I will put it about that I myself wrote the music'. On balance, the evidence suggests that this entrée was by the Abbé de Voisenon, though why he chose to remain anonymous is a mystery. 
 
"With one disastrous exception (his resetting of the libretto of Lully's 'Thésée' was booed off the stage in 1765), Mondonville never cultivated the more serious genres of French opera. He was at his best in the less demanding pastorale and opéra-ballet. One contemporary, Louis de Cahusac, neatly characterised the difference between this latter genre and the tragédie en musique, the loftiest sub-species of French opera at that time: if the tragédie was like a vast canvas by Raphael or Michelangelo, the opera-ballet was made up of pretty Watteaus — delightful miniatures that demanded precision of design, graceful brush-strokes and a brilliant palette of colours. At the start of the eighteenth century, when the opera-ballét first established itself as a leading genre, works of this kind involved modern, everyday characters and situations. By Mondonville's time, however, librettists had reverted to the stock personages of ancient myth and legend. Thus 'Les Fêtes de Paphos' centres on the amorous exploits of three Classical deities. As the preface to the libretto puts it (with some geographical licence): 'Reunited on the island of Paphos, Venus, Bacchus and Cupid decide to enliven their leisure in such a pleasant location by celebrating their first loves, and this gives rise to the [plots of the] following three acts and the title 'Les Fêtes de Paphos.' 
 
"The choice of Paphos — not, of course, an island but a town on the west coast of Cyprus — was appropriate. It was here that Venus, or more properly Aphrodite, was believed to have been born, rising naked from the sea (aphro means 'foam') on an oyster shell. Here, too, was the centre of one of the most powerful cults of Aphrodite in the ancient world. 
 
"Yet 'Les Fêtes de Paphos,' unlike many of Rameau's operas, makes no use of local colour. (That may well have to do with the circumstances of its creation and desire to recycle existing material.) Indeed, nowhere does the libretto refer to Paphos. Rather, it is the amorous intrigues that unite the three entrées, each plot leading up to a celebration of the loves of the central characters. In the first, the god Mars sees to it that Adonis, his youthful rival for Venus's affections, is killed by a monster. When the goddess metamorphoses Adonis into an anemone, Mars tries to destroy the flower, but Venus implores Jupiter to intervene, and the youth is restored to life. In the second, Bacchus is at first indifferent to the charms of the nymph Érigone, but succumbs during a celebration in his honour ordained by Jupiter. In the final entrée Venus tries unsuccessfully to thwart the love of Psyche and Cupid by various means, among them torment by the fury Tisiphone, a shipwreck and the transformation of the nymph into an ugly hag. 
 
"Such a libretto was ideally suited to Mondonville's talents. The plots may be conventional, but they provide exactly the range of contrasting moods and situations that the composer relished. This is particularly so of the final entrée which, with its storm scenes, its descent into Hades and other twists and turns, is almost too full of incident. 
 
"When 'Les Fêtes de Paphos' appeared, French opera had been in existence for some seventy-five years. For much of that period it had been slow to evolve: the repertory was still dominated by the works of Lully (who had founded it virtually single-handed in the 1670s) many decades after his death in 1687. By the mid-eighteenth century, however, tastes were rapidly changing. Mondonville, with his thorough command of the latest idioms, both native and foreign, was more aware of this than most. Outwardly, the overall structure and internal organisation of 'Les Fêtes de Paphos' conform to tradition. But the musical substance reflects the extent to which the French operatic style had recently developed, whether in response to Rameau's innovations of the 1730s and 1740s or to the inroads of foreign musical styles, Italian and German especially. 
 
"The extent to which this is so is immediately apparent in the overture. As D'Alembert put it, a shade simplistically, 'for over sixty years there was only one overture at the Opéra' — the quintessential ouverture à la françoise, with its pompous, sharply dotted first movement and faster, fugal second. Mondonville follows Rameau's lead in abandoning this tradition. His overture is a lively single movement which exploits the newly-fashionable crescendos, the symphonic contrasts of loud and soft, and virtuosic instrumental figurations. While he does not follow Rameau in connecting the overture thematically with the ensuing opera, the style of orchestral writing sets the tone for much of what follows. The movement acquired a life of its own in Mondonville's day when Balbastre arranged it for organ, in which form it proved immensely successful at the Concert Spirituel for years to come. 
 
"Yet although Mondonville's inclination was towards up-to-date foreign idioms, he was aware of the need to court his more conservative listeners. He must have observed that audiences usually took time to warm to the operas of Rameau, so often the subject of heated debate. One of Mondonville's talents widely conceded even by his enemies was an uncanny knack of knowing how to please a wide cross-section of the public — no mean achievement, given the volatility of contemporary audiences. Thus, in 'Les Fêtes de Paphos,' as in his other works, brilliant coloratura movements such as the Act Two duo 'Amour lance tes traits' (a smash hit in Mondonville's day) coexist with popular vaudeville-style melodies like Adonis's air 'Tout doit céder a ma valeta' in Act One; dramatic orchestral movements that would not sound out of place in the latest German symphony are juxtaposed with simple French-style airs that could almost have been written by Lully's immediate successors half a century earlier. 
 
"It is in his dance music that Mondonville came closest to tradition. When Berlioz remarked that the French would provide an excuse for a ballet 'even in a representation of the Last Judgment', he was commenting on a centuries-old national obsession. Dance had been an essential element of French opera from its foundation in the 1670s. And of all the sub-species current in Mondonville's day, opera-ballet gave it most prominence. In 'Les Fêtes de Paphos' there are no fewer than thirty ballet movements. Here the musical style, though more obviously French, is often enlivened by borrowings from foreign idioms. The final 'pas de trois' of 'L'Amour et Psyché' is what was known as a ballet figure, in which the dancers mimed an action (in this case the attempted abduction of the nymph Flora by Boreas, god of the North Wind) which was related to the main plot but independent of it. 
 
"One idiosyncracy of Mondonville's writing may be heard in the recitative. Ever since Lully had established it in the previous century, French recitative had altered little. In the hands of Rameau the vocal leaps may have become bolder and the harmonies richer, but the essential melodic contours and flexible rhythms remained unchanged. Mondonville's declamation differs from that of his fellow composers in only one important respect. Virtually all the continuo-accompanied recitative is in triple time; scarcely anywhere do we find the fluctuating metres with which French composers sought to capture the subtle inflexions of spoken declamation. Yet if Mondonville's declamation, here and in other operas, lacks the flexibility and nuance of traditional French recitative, it does acquire a more consistently song-like character, which may well be easier on the modern ear. Had be been alive today, Mondonville would doubtless have enjoyed a hugely successful career in film or television music. To be sure, his operas never plumb the emotional depths of Rameau's, but that should not blind (or deafen) us to their considerable artistic merits or to the skill and invention which they reveal. In the words of one contemporary, 'Nothing may astound you, yet everything pleases.'" (Graham Sadler. From the liner notes.)
 
Performers: Les Talens Lyriques, Christophe Rousset, Jean-Paul Fouchécourt, Véronique Gens, Peter Harvey, Olivier Lallouette, Agnès Mellon, Sandrine Piau

1.1. Ouverture
1.2. Acte I, Scène I: Marche
1.3. Acte I, Scène I: 'Vous Qu'à Mes Pas Enchaîne La Victoire'
1.4. Acte I, Scène I: Prélude Fanfare. 'Ce Bruit Annonce Sa Présence'
1.5. Acte I, Scène II: Deux Menuets
1.6. Acte I, Scène II: 'Qu'il Est Doux Après La Victoire'
1.7. Acte I, Scène II: Tambourin
1.8. Acte I, Scène II: 'Délivrons Les Forêts'
1.9. Acte I, Scène III: 'Adonis, Se Peut-il Que Malgré Ma Tendresse'
1.10. Acte I, Scène III: 'Tout Doit Céder À Ma Valeur'
1.11. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Adonis... Adonis... Vainement Je L'appelle!'
1.12. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Fuyons Ce Monstre!'
1.13. Acte I, Scène V/VI: 'Cher Objet De Ma Flamme'
1.14. Acte I, Scène VI: 'Laissons De Mon Amour'
1.15. Acte I, Scène VII: 'Mars Près De Vous S'avance'
1.16. Acte I, Scène VII: 'Tonnerre - Contre Une Injuste Violence'
1.17. Acte I, Scène VIII: 'O Ciel ! En Croirai-je Mes Yeux?'
1.18. Acte I, Scène IX: 'Que Je Plains Les Mortels!'
1.19. Acte I, Scène X: Air Pour La Suite De Vénus
1.20. Acte I, Scène X: 'O Vous Qui De Vénus Accompagnez Les Pas'
1.21. Acte I, Scène X: Deux Menuets
1.22. Acte I, Scène X: 'Lorsque Vénus Vint À Paraître'
1.23. Acte I, Scène X: Deux Gavottes
1.24. Acte I, Scène X: 'Pour Rendre Hommage'
1.25. Acte I, Scène X: Air Pour Les Plaisirs
1.26. Acte I, Scène X: 'Règne À Jamais Sur Nos Coeurs'
1.27. Acte I, Scène X: Contre Danse
1.28. Acte I, Scène X: Entr'acte Tambourin

2.1. Acte II, Scène I: 'Dieu Des Amans Recoi Les Voeux'
2.2. Acte II, Scène II: 'Belle Nymphe, Espérez Le Sort Le Plusheureux'
2.3. Acte II, Scène III: Air Pour Les Sylvains
2.4. Acte II, Scène III: Air Pour Les Corybantes, Ou Prestres De Bacchus
2.5. Acte II, Scène III: 'Cher Bacchus, C'est Assez Répandre Les Allarmes'
2.6. Acte II, Scène III: Air Pour Les Bacchantes Et Les Sylvains
2.7. Acte II, Scène III: 'La Victoire Vole À Ta Voix'
2.8. Acte II, Scène IV: 'Tout Conspire À Combler Vos Voeux'
2.9. Acte II, Scène IV: 'Cette Langueur Étrange'
2.10. Acte II, Scène V: 'L'Amour Suit Cet Objet Charmant'
2.11. Acte II, Scène V: 'Dieux! Quel Charme Inconnu Me Ravit Etm'enflamme?'
2.12. Acte II, Scène V: 'De La Gloire Terrible Suspendez Les Travaux'/Air: Erigone
2.13. Acte II, Scène V: 'Quel Trouble Votre Aspect M'inspire!'
2.14. Acte II, Scène V: 'Amour Lance Tes Traits, Épuise Ton Carquois'
2.15. Acte II, Scène VI: 'Chantez Dans Vos Fêtes Charmantes'
2.16. Acte II, Scène VI: Loure
2.17. Acte II, Scène VI: Gigue
2.18. Acte II, Scène VI: Musette/'Dieu Des Coeurs'
2.19. Acte II, Scène VI: Rondeau En Chaconne
2.20. Acte II, Scène VI: 'Cessez, Guerriers, Cessez De Lancer Letonnerre'
2.21. Acte II, Scène VI: Tambourin
2.22. Acte II, Scène VI: Entr'acte Rondeau En Chaconne

3.1. Acte III, Scène I: Ritournelle
3.2. Acte III, Scène I: 'O Vénus, N'as-tu Pas Épuisé Ta Vengeance?'
3.3. Acte III, Scène II: Prélude
3.4. Acte III, Scène II: 'De Tes Attraits, L'Amour Va Perdre La Mémoire'
3.5. Acte III, Scène II: Gavotte
3.6. Acte III, Scène II: 'Mais L'Amour Va Paraître, Il Faut Suivre Mes Pas'
3.7. Acte III, Scène III: 'On Vous Dérobe En Vain À Mon Impatience'/Récitatif Et Ariette: L'Amour
3.8. Acte III, Scène IV: 'Crains Sans Cesse, Crains Un Affreux Trépas'
3.9. Acte III, Scène IV: 'Tempeste - Justes Dieux, Prenez Ma Deffence'
3.10. Acte III, Scène V: 'Vents Furieux, Rentrez Dans Le Silence- L'Amour, Psyché, Tisiphone
3.11. Acte III, Scène VI: 'Non! Non! Non! N'espère Pas Que Ton Tourment Finisse'
3.12. Acte III, Scène VI: Air Pour Les Démons
3.13. Acte III, Scène VI: 'Amour, C'est Toi Seul Que J'implore'
3.14. Acte III, Scène VI: 'J'ai Perdu Mes Attraits, Et L'Amour Va Paraître'
3.15. Acte III, Scène VII: 'Je Viens Enfin Terminer Vos Allarmes'
3.16. Acte III, Scène VIII: 'Quel Changement! Quel Palais Enchanté'
3.17. Acte III, Scène VIII: Air Pour Les Zéphyrs
3.18. Acte III, Scène VIII: Air Pour Les Grâces - Mon Bonheur Estextrême'
3.19. Acte III, Scène VIII: Deux Menuets
3.20. Acte III, Scène VIII: 'Pour Vous L'aimable Aurore Fait Éclore - L'Amour A Psyché'
3.21. Acte III, Scène VIII: Pas De Trois: Flore Seule - Zéphyr Et Flore - Borée, Suite Des Zéphyrs, Plaintes De Flore - Borée Enlevé Flore - Zéphyr Cherche Flore - Regrets De Zéphyr - Les Zéphyrs Ramènent Flore

Nicola Porpora / Georg Friedrich Händel - Porpora and Handel in London: Duel

"The rivalry between Handel and Porpora in London would appear to have been one of the most heated feuds in the history of 18th century music, a subject that critics and admirers of the whole dramma per musica repertoire found particularly fascinating. So it's almost a pity that this contest, strife, dispute between giants never actually took place in the terms that are commonly reported. Granted, rivalry existed within musical circles at the time, but this had more to do with individual singers, aesthetic concepts and the patrons of the two different opera companies in London, and often had little to do with music as such. There was certainly no blazing personal row between the two composers, and though both were relatively hot-tempered, neither appears to have considered the other an enemy. Indeed, there is evidence to suggest that the two artists actually admired each other's work. Suffice it to recall that Porpora kept a copy of Handel's 'Tolomeo re d'Egitto' made in the very years in whith this curious 'rivalry' was in full swing (see 'Stille amare,' track 17). By the same token, Handel greeted the publication of 'Porpora's Cantate op. 1' in 1735 with enthusiasm, as Giuseppe Sigismondo (1739-1826) points out in his 'Apoteosi della musica del Regno di Napoli,' an essential source for the history of Italian music. 
 
"The huge misunderstanding regarding the whole question of 'rivalry' probably derives from the effectively heated climate of opinion prevailing in England between 1733 and 1737, when the two composers were working there. So it certainly makes sense to explain the setting in which the purported challenge took place. Until 29 December 1733, with the first performance of 'Arianna in Naxo' at Lincoln's Inn Fields, opera audiences in London had never heard an entire original work by Porpora. That said, however, just as his fame in Venice was beginning to grow, his name had appeared in association with a new production, 'Elisa,' staged at the Haymarket in 1726. Nine arias by Porpora, slightly modified, were then included by Handel in four pasticcios between 1730 and 1732: 'Ormisda' (1730), 'Venceslao' (1731), 'Lucio Papirio dittatore' (1732) and 'Catone in Utica' (1732). Depending on the case, these pieces were performed in England as a choice of the singers who had already sung them on the continent or, sometimes (as in the case of 'Quando piomba improvvisa saetta,' from Porpora's 'Poro' - track 18) because Handel himself wanted them into the scores. 
 
"Handel exercised an absolute monopoly over opera in London, and Propora's arrival in the city to head the Opera of Nobility regarded both art and politics. Although London audiences consisted of little more than a thousand or so people, these came from the most important social strata, who were becoming increasingly aware that the musical style and dramaturgy then in fashion in Europe did not coincide with what the company directed by Handel had been staging for many years. Opera houses on the continent hosted works based on extremely modern librettos, often written by Metastasio, the foremost Italian poet of the century. Moreover, the composers connected with the best Neapolitan avant-garde circles had embraced a style that could accommodate both the liveliest dramatic requirements and constantly evolving vocal tastes introduced by a new generation of singers. Just imagine the impact of an aria such as 'Nume the reggi 'l mare' on an audience accustomed to the use of orchestral accompaniment and voice a la Handel, which was considerably less gallant than the Italian standard of the time (track 2). Although the situation in London was not entirely impermeable to all of this, it was nevertheless distinctly static and dominated by the conflict between the Tory and the Whig political perspectives, some ill-concealed anti-German sentiments, and a general discontent caused by price increases for the audiences who attended Handel's works. Moreover, the poet Paolo Rolli and the singer Senesino were scheming in favour of a new company that was overtly opposed to the existing one. A group of aristocrats within the sphere of Frederik, Prince of Wales, were bent on creating new produdions, calling in the best musicians then available in Europe. To create an outstanding vocal cast, the London star singers of the time (Francesca Cuzzoni, Senesino and Antonio Montagnana) were joined by Carlo Broschi Farinelli. The sets were to be designed by artists of the calibre of Jacopo Amigoni, and to cap it all, the composer they had in mind was Porpora, internationally acclaimed as one of the most solid points of reference with regard to musical quality and innovation. Indeed, Porpora was not only one of the foremost representatives of the heroic style connected with Pietro Metastasio's librettos, but also an undisputed master of recitative and a great connoisseur of the human voice. 
 
"All sorts of things happened during the course of those difficult years in London, where there were two opera companies that vied with each other: duels fought to their lethal conclusion during performances, violent financial crises, and evenings when Farinelli sang for an almost empty house. Yet most of this had little to do with the individual choices of the two composers involved, their main focus being the need to stage their creations by coordinating the instrumentalists and the singers. Handel and Porpora were certainly facing a challenge, but not among themselves. The aim of both of them was to attract audiences. Encouraged by his dose collaboration with Rolli, Porpora was more inclined to experiment, achieving greater formal freedom and an appealing take on local theatrical usage. Handel, for his part, soon had to resort to hiring singers who made a great impact on audiences (one of them was Giovanni Caregtini). In this he glowed skill in quickly adapting to the requirements of the moment, thinking up original ways of making his productions more attractive, including integrating ballets in his operas, which often meant engaging the dancer Marie Salle. 
 
"A particularly famous case in point is Handel's opera 'Ariodante.' Although the libretto was a rather modest adaptation of an earlier text by Antonio Salvi, the opera itself reveals the composer's genius in exploiting the opportunity of having Carestini in the cast and being able to count on a good ballet company. For this recording we have decided to include two musical episodes of particular importance from the opera: 'Scherza infida' (here performed with the variations of the B section and the Da Capo preserved in a well-known Engligh manuscript of the 18th century (track 9), and the ballet that closes the second act (tracks 11-14). The famous aria represents an extraordinary example of Handel's mastery in giving musical form to the theatrical requirements of the libretto, in particular in the delicate balance between vocal line and instrumental accompaniment (with bassoon obbligato and muted strings), thus complementing the state of mind of the protagonist In April of the same year, the company also staged 'Alcina,' whith includes 'Sta nell'ircana pietrosa tana' (track 1), especially written for Carestini to underline the singer's technical agility more than his power to move audiences, given the completely different dramatic context. 
 
"Right around the opening of 'Ariodante,' Porpora and his team were staging 'Polifemo,' one of his most convincing scores, based on a delightful new libretto of heroic-pastoral inspiration written by Paolo Rolli. The cast included Farinelli, Senesino, Francesca Cuzzoni, Antonio Montagnana, Francesca Bertolli and Maria Segatti. The aria 'Il gioir qualor s'aspetta' (track 10), sung by Calipso, concludes the masterful third scene of Act III, which tells of how Odysseus blinds of the ferocious giant Polyphemus. The fiery triplets of the vocal score and the animated passages played by the strings brilliantly underline the personal joy of the nymph, who sings of the success of the hero she loves.
 
"There can be no doubt that Porpora proved to be particularly flexible in the way he adapted to London theatre life, which called for approaches that were sometimes at odds with the experience and expectations of a composer trained in Italy. This regarded not only form and style, but also dramaturgy, as in the case of 'Mitridate,' based on a Shakespearean framework far from continental theatrical tastes. In fad it was not until Alessandro Verri's translations of Shakespeare were published in 1777 that the Bard's works began to influence Italian cultural output and, consequently, the stage works performed in Italy. Another essential aspect of the relationship between British audiences and the dramma per musica is the recitative: since knowledge of Italian was uncommon among opera-goers in London, secco recitatives tended to be shorter than in Italy, whereas accompanied recitatives were surprisingly numerous and long compared with what was common on the continent. An exemplary case in point is the intense and delicate sequence of recitative and aria in 'Dolce è su queste alte mie logge a sera... Fu del braccio onipotente,' which is part of the only oratorio Porpora wrote in England: 'David e Bersabea' (tracks 3-4). Here the verses describe the moment in which the King of Israel first sets eyes on the lovely Bathsheba, with whom he falls in love. Although the work comprises some remarkable music, the oratorio turned out to be a tremendous flop, probably because the score reflected tastes that were far removed from those established with such success by Handel. 
 
"In 1737, when excessive costs and insufficient fee-paying audiences led to the collapse of Opera of Nobility, Porpora returned to the continent, and to composing in a fashion that was more akin to Italian reality. Although he reused very little of the material he had composed in London, he did rework a scene from his 'Ifigenia in Aulide' to turn it into a chamber cantata for two voices: 'Calcante e Achille.' This is the source of the aria originally written for Farinelli 'A questa man verra' (track 8). The rest of his English output was completely forgotten, and the whole subject of the relationship between Handel and Popora only surfaced much later, at the start of the 19th century, when various legends, since disproved, began to circulate about Handel's unlikely admiration for Porpora's 'Berenice,' and for the equally unlikely challenge between the two regarding 'Agrippina.'

"In his life Porpora did have a couple of real adversaries with whom he clashed: Leonardo Vinci and Benedetto Marcello, though only the former constituted for him a real worry. His relationship with Handel during the London years doesn't seem based on personal antagonism: in fact both the composers were duelling with quarrelsome, lively audiences, whose riotous attitudes contributed to the birth of some of the foremost masterpieces of 18th century opera." (Stefano Aresi. From the liner notes.)
 
Performers: Le Concert de l'Hostel Dieu, Franck-Emmanuel Comte, Giuseppina Bridelli

1. Georg Friedrich Händel - Alcina, HWV 34: 'Sta Nell'ircana Pietrosa Tana'
2. Nicola Porpora - Arianna In Naxo: 'Nume Che Reggi 'L Mare'
3. Nicola Porpora - David E Bersabea: 'Dolce È Su Queste Alte Mie Logge A Sera'
4. Nicola Porpora - David E Bersabea: 'Fu Del Braccio Onnipotente'
5. Nicola Porpora - Polifemo, Ouverture: I. Ouverture
6. Nicola Porpora - Polifemo, Ouverture: II. Allegro
7. Nicola Porpora - Polifemo, Ouverture: III. (...)
8. Nicola Porpora - Calcante E Achille: 'A Questa Man Verrà'
9. Georg Friedrich Händel - Ariodante, HWV 33: 'Scherza Infida'
10. Nicola Porpora - Polifemo: 'Il Gioir Qualor S'aspetta'
11. Georg Friedrich Händel - Ariodante, HWV 33, Suite De Ballet: I. Entrée Des Songes Agréables
12. Georg Friedrich Händel - Ariodante, HWV 33, Suite De Ballet: II. Entrée Des Songes Funestes
13. Georg Friedrich Händel - Ariodante, HWV 33, Suite De Ballet: III. Entrée Des Songes Agréables Effrayés
14. Georg Friedrich Händel -  Ariodante, HWV 33, Suite De Ballet: IV: Le Combat Des Songes Funestes Et Agréables
15. Nicola Porpora - Mitridate: 'Alza Al Soglio I Guardi'
16. Georg Friedrich Händel - Tolomeo, HWV 25: 'Inumano Fratel, Barbara Madre'
17. Georg Friedrich Händel - Tolomeo, HWV 25: 'Stille Amare, Già Vi Sento'
18. Georg Friedrich Händel -  Catone In Utica, HWV A7: 'Quando Piomba Improvvisa Saetta'
 

LHD - Normandie

One in a long series of excellent 7" vinyl releases from L.A. noise supergroup LHD (Phil Blankenship and John Wiese). Released on apparently L.A. based noise label Tape Room, although there is little information on who owns this label. Double 7" edition of twenty copies released in 2007 and recorded the year before.
 
A. Untitled
B. Untitled

C. Untitled
D. Untitled

LHD - Hotel Fire

One in a long series of excellent 7" vinyl releases from L.A. noise supergroup LHD (Phil Blankenship and John Wiese). Released on Damion Romero's P-Tapes label in an edition of one hundred and eleven copies in 2005.

A. Hotel Fire

LHD - Fascination

One in a long series of excellent 7" vinyl releases from L.A. noise supergroup LHD (Phil Blankenship and John Wiese). Released on Evan Pacewicz's Swampland label in an edition of one hundred and fifteen copies in 2005.

A. Fascination

LHD - Asthma

One in a long series of excellent 7" vinyl releases from L.A. noise supergroup LHD (Phil Blankenship and John Wiese). Released in an edition of one hundred copies on John Wiese's Helicopter label in 2003.

A. Asthma


LHD - Hands of the Priestess

One in a long series of excellent 7" vinyl releases from L.A. noise supergroup LHD (Phil Blankenship and John Wiese). Released in an edition of three hundred copies on short-lived American label Miisc in 2003.
 
A. Untitled
B. Untitled
 

Nicola Porpora - Il Gedeone

"At the mention of the oratorio genre, music lovers automatically think of George Frideric Handel's 'Messiah' set to English texts from the Bible or Johannes Brahms's 'Ein deutsches Requiem.' But neither of these works is an oratorio in the stricter sense of the term. The oratorio, as a genre and the name of a genre, emerged from a number of different forerunner forms in Italy during the second third of the seventeenth century and initially remained by and large an Italian genre. It was not until 1730 that it established itself internationally, and here the oratorio texts of the Vienna court poet Pietro Metastasio played an important role. 
 
"From 1660 to 1730 there had been only one center of oratorio performance outside Italy, albeit a center of great importance: the Habsburg imperial court in Vienna. Up until the time that Maria Theresa became empress in 1740, oratorios — Italian oratorios — had been performed at the Vienna court on a regular basis. (This makes Nicola Porpora's 'Il Gedeone' of 1737 an extremely late work within the context of the Italian oratorios composed and performed in Vienna.) Vienna was also the model for other Catholic courts north of the Alps such as those in Dresden, Innsbruck, Salzburg, Prague, and Warsaw.

A Habsburg emperor, Leopold I, who him-self composed respectable oratorios, stood at the beginning of this Vienna tradition of the Counter Reformation and with a strong Jesuit stamp. His 'Il transito di S. Giuseppe' was per-formed almost every year for two decades beginning in 1680. For the period between 1660 and 1740 we have about 350 oratorios in text form with some two hundred oratorios by composers known by name and a good dozen by anonymous composers in score form. 
 
"Of the composers, sixteen (including Nicola Porpora) are represented by one oratorio, eleven by two oratorios, and five by three such works. Only those composers who were employed at the Vienna court or maintained close ties to it composed four or more oratorios for performance in Vienna. Oratorios composed elsewhere were 'importedo' mainly from Rome, Bologna, and Venice. It is note-worthy that three of the oratorio composers are known to have been women: Caterina Grazianini and Maria Margherita Grimani are represented with two oratorio premieres and Camilla de Rossi with four. 
 
"The oratorios composed during the great days of the Italian oratorio between 1660 and 1740 by and large exhibited a stable form. The libretti were in two parts and had four hundred to five hundred verses. Usually one character, a figure from the Old Testament, New Testament, or the lives of the saints, stood at the center of the action (and was named in the title), and there were four or five more solo vocal parts. The chorus was employed only sporadically, usually at the end of the two parts and in a very conventional way. The oratorio genre as a whole, especially in comparison to the contemporary opera and (secular) cantata, bore conservative traits. This had to do, especially in Vienna, with the special performance circumstances of the oratorio. At the Habsburg court oratorios were performed first and foremost during Holy Week, during a period in which sorrow and a minimum of musical means constituted the proper tone. In Vienna and else-where oratorios were intended as extraliturgical court devotion, even when they were performed in the court chapel or integrated into the Holy Week liturgy. Unlike what was frequently the case with the opera, they were not subject to public competition or to the pressure to make a profit. These factors played a major role in the shaping of the oratorio style. 
 
"The history of the oratorio was like that of the opera, however, in that the librettists played a role at least as important as that of the composers and often had a decisive influence. In Vienna two court poets brought about enduring changes to the oratorio text: the Venetian Apostolo Zeno (1668-1750, at the Vienna court during 1718-29) and the already mentioned Pietro Metastasio (1698-1782). We know of sixteen libretti by Zeno for what he called 'drammi sacri,' from the years after 1719. The designation 'sacred dramem' meant that Zeno aimed at approximating the form of the oratorio to the drama, to the tragedy, especially to Jean Racine's religious dramas ('Esther' and 'Athalia'). He derived his subject matter exclusively from the Bible and made an effort not to expand this biblical material with invented stories, figures, and episodes. This led to the drastic reduction in the number of oratorios about the lives of the saints in Vienna. 
 
"Pietro Metastasio, the most important Italian dramatic poet of the eighteenth century, had an even more lasting influence. He was the idol of his times and held the post of Vienna court poet beginning in 1730. Between 1730 and 1740, at the time when Porpora wrote his 'll Gedeone,' Metastasio wrote seven oratorio libretti, which, like his opera texts, were submitted to multiple musical settings by numerous composers. It was through Metastasio, not only through the composers, that the oratorio genre gained the status of an international form. 
 
"The life of Nicola Porpora, who was born in Naples in 1686 and died in the same city in 1768, was linked in many ways to Vienna and to the Vienna court poet Metastasio. Porpora set 'Angelica' and 'Gli orti esperidi,' two of Metastasio's early poems intended for musical settings, as serenate for the birthdays of the emperor and empress in the then Austrian Naples in 1720 and 1721. During this time Porpora must have enjoyed the patronage of the Vienna court, perhaps through his employer, the Prince of Hesse-Darmstadt, who himself rendered services to the Austrian monarchy. Between 1725 and 1743 Porpora wrote eight operas to texts by Metastasio and during his early period three or four operas to texts by Zeno. Porpora received his first commission for an opera for Vienna in 1714; it was entitled 'Arianna e Teseo,' set to a text by Pariati, and intended for the emperor's birthday. In 1718 his 'Temistocle' to a libretto by Zeno was premiered at the Vienna court theater on the occasion of the emperor's birthday. Nevertheless, Porpora's rise to fame as an opera composer followed not in Vienna but in Rome and Northern Italy. He settled in Venice in 1726 and then went to London in 1733 at the invitation of the Opera of the Nobility, Handel's rival in the opera business in the English capital. He left England in 1736 —before the Opera of the Nobility, like Handel's opera company, went bankrupt — and returned to Naples. He did not assume a permanent post there again at the Conservatorio di S. Maria di Loreto until July 1, 1739.

"When Porpora wrote the oratorio 'Il Gedeone' for Vienna in 1737, he was a 'free man' who was looking for a job. And, as chance would have it, the Vienna court music director Antonio Caldara had died on December 28, 1736! As one might assume owing to his personal acquaintance with Metastasio, Porpora did not seek in vain for support from him. 'Il Gedeone' was a sort of 'oriol piece' in which Porpora was supposed to show what he could do as a composer. He overlooked the fact, however, that he was supposed to compose a conservative oratorio for Holy Week corresponding to the models of the court composers Caldara and Fux. It is surprising (or perhaps was part of his strategy?) that Porpora did not set a text by Metastasio. 
 
"Porpora was certainly in Vienna for the premiere of 'Il Gedeone' on March 28. When he was unsuccessful in his bid, he returned to his native Naples and resided there from 1739 to 1741. We then find him in Venice and beginning in 1747 at the Dresden court, a center of the Italian opera. It was there that Porpora re-encountered Johann Adolf Hasse, who had been his pupil in 1722. (His other pupils included Farinelli and Caffarelli, the two most famous castrati of the time.) It was not until 1752 or 1753 that Porpora, with a handsome Dresden pension, settled in Vienna. Here he taught song to Wilhelmine, the mistress of the Venetian ambassador Pietro Correr, and to Metastasio's protegée Marianna Martinez. It was probably also Metastasio who introduced Porpora, then a European celebrity, to the young Joseph Haydn. Haydn became Porpora's servant, pupil, and piano accompanist in voice instruction. The outbreak of the Seven Years' War between Prussia and Saxony meant that Porpora lost his Dresden pension in 1757. His financial situation became increasingly precarious until he found new employment in Naples in 1757-60. He had grown old during a time of fundamental new musical developments and was a witness to another epoch, namely to the first, still 'baroque' third of the eighteenth century. Unlike Leonardo Vinci, Leonardo Leo, or Pergolesi, Porpora did not become a composer of the second third of the century, when the foundation was laid for the 'classical' styles in the opera and instrumental music in Italy as well as in Vienna. He spent the last years of his life in abject poverty in the city of his birth, where he died in 1768. 
 
"The libretto of 'Il Gedeone' is by an 'A. Perrucci.' Owing to the relatively early year of his death, it is uncertain whether the author was Andrea Perrucci (1651-1704), a well-known librettist and theater theorist who was active in Naples. On the other hand, Porpora's composition teacher Francesco Mancini set another oratorio libretto by a Perrucci in Naples in 1733 ('II zelo animato dal gran profeta Elia'), and it was based on a text published by Andrea Perrucci in 1691. The text of 'La Debbora profetessa guerriera,' an oratorio of 1691 by the Neapolitan Giuseppe Vignola certainly stems from Andrea Perrucci, and in 1701 the same composer, in his 'Il Gedeone geroglifico,' turned to the material that Porpora would use decades later. 
 
"In form and content the libretto set by Porpora is a text corresponding to the fundamental principles of Zeno's oratorio texts but hardly approximating Metastasio's verbal artistry. The story is derived — without major additions — from Judges 6-8 in the Old Testament, and Gideon [alto castrato], an Israelite liberator chosen by God from the period around 1100 B.C.E, stands at its center. Other characters include his father Joas (the biblical Joash) [bass], his wife Sichemi [soprano] (in the oratorio his only wife, in the Bible his concubine in Shechem, who bore him one of his seventy sons), and Gideon's retainer Fara [alto]. The opposition is represented by the commander Oreb [soprano castrato], a prince of the Midianites named in the Bible, and his officer Silve [tenor]. The poetic text is clearly divided into sixteen recitatives, twelve arias, three choruses (two of which form a remarkably full and lavish conclusion to the two parts), and the instrumental pieces introducing the two parts, an lntroduzione and a Sinfonia. Gedeone's father Joas and Sichemi sing three arias each, Gedeone himself (and his rival Oreb) only two arias, but they are particularly extensive. The two minor characters Fara and Silve are assigned one aria each. Celestial or allegorical figures hardly appear at all, and this too corresponds to Zeno's theories. The biblical angel who commissions Gideon to save Israel and to destroy Baal's altar does not sing in the oratorio. Joas's second aria has been eliminated from the present recording, and some secco recitatives and the concluding chorus — which is monumental enough anyway — have been abridged. 
 
"At the beginning of the second third of the eighteenth century, opera composers like Leonardo Vinci, Leonardo Leo, Johann Adolf Hasse, and Giovanni Battista Pergolesi brought about a fundamental change in musical style in Italy. The encounter with Metastasio's libretti led to a turning away from the baroque pathos of the slow aria and coloratura splendor of the allegro aria and from the dominance of counterpoint to emotionally stirring character, cantability, and the clear recital of the text with clear periodization of the musical phrases and a modest orchestral accompaniment supporting the vocal parts. Within a few years (Bach and Handel still had twenty years to live) a fundamentally new musical idiom came about, an idiom long designated as 'preclassical.' Bach and Handel were not the only two who would did not participate in this decisive stylistic development; Nicola Porpora would also have to be included among their company. In Vienna, however, the oratorio composer Porpora met with an oratorio tradition that not only was entirely and fully obliged to a 'baroqueo' idiom but also employed this old idiom conservatively in the field of the oratorio. Caldara and Fux both employed an 'eruditeo' emphatically contrapuntal-linear writing style in sacred music in general and in the oratorio. To be sure, Porpora himself had been instructed in 'stricto' polyphonic composition in Naples, and the concluding choruses of the two parts of 'Il Gedeone' leave not the slightest doubt about his ability to compose stupendous choral fugues in a manner that we would associate with Handel. Here the measured and serious tone of the choral polyphony of Fux and Caldara was at most one means of design among others. Porpora wanted to show what he could do and put his artistry on display, and reserve and economy were the least appropriate means for doing so. And so it is that 'Il Gedeone' makes a grand display of the brio and imaginative wealth of a genuine theater musician who served up lavish coloraturas and effective trills for the warbling of his vir-tuoso singers and let the castrato part in Gedeone's two arias indulge in concert splendor with oboes and even a solo trumpet (during Holy Week, when this instrument was supposed to keep its silence!). The alto castrato Pietro Casati, who was also active as a composer in Vienna), sang the part of Gedeone; La Pisani, the soprano, was the first Sichemi; and the court singer Praun sang the role of Joas. Vivaldi's concerto style, which had long since made its way to Naples, left clear traces on Porpora's string part, with its dense texture and constant motion. 
 
"This music by Porpora was just as foreign to the Vienna oratorio tradition as it was to the new gentle tones in the Italian operas and oratorios of those years by Leonardo Vinci, Leonardo Leo, Hasse, or Pergolesi. Nowhere is the dramatic impetus of Porpora's music so audible as in the no less than nine accompagnato recitatives with orchestral accompaniment. Here one should pay particular attention to how he works with string tremoli in the accompagnato before the second chorus, the siciliano chorus, and how the thematic design of the chorus together with the pastoral oboes in already anticipated in the recitative. At the same time, the thoroughly traditional delineation of the form (though there are already two-part arias along with the da capo arias that then represented the norm) and compositional technique with fundamental basses proper can no less not be overlooked.

"The dramatic style of this music does not follow as a matter of course from the libretto. The story of Gideon consists of divine calling, battle, and victory. Joas's fatherly warmth and Sichemi's fear counterpoint Gedeone's confident faith, which also makes him certain of victory. But tenderness, trembling, and grief could not find a place in this oratorio, which comes across like a splendid opera for a gala court occasion. 
 
"Porpora did not achieve the goal that he hoped to achieve with 'Il Gedeone' in Vienna, but he went down in grand style. Paradoxically, the very elements of this dazzling, captivating music that sealed his doom in Vienna in 1737 made the first new performance of this work in our time by the Wiener Akademie in the Hofburgkapelle a rousing success in more ways than one." (Jürg Stenzl, tr. Susan Marie Praeder. From the liner notes.)
 
Performers: Vokalensemble Nova, Wiener Akademi, Martin Haselböck, Kai Wessel, Ulf Bästlein, Linda Perillo, Henning Voss, Jörg Waschinski, Johannes Chum

1.1. Parte I: Introduzione
1.2. Parte I: 'Principe A Te Ritorno Apportatore'
1.3. Parte I: 'Quasi Locuste Che Intorno'
1.4. Parte I: 'Ma Forse Disperati'
1.5. Parte I: 'Quell'aura Lusinghiera'
1.6. Parte I: 'Padre Non Più Vana'
1.7. Parte I: 'Tu Se'il Minore De Toui Fratelli'
1.8. Parte I: 'Signor Del Popol Tutto'
1.9. Parte I: 'Mi Vegga, Oh Dio'
1.10. Parte I: 'In Qual Dubbio D'affetti'
1.11. Parte I: 'Di Nemico Sangue Il Campo'
1.12. Parte I: 'Odo Le Strida, Già Vaggo Il Volto'
1.13. Parte I: 'Oh Dio, Che Troppo Sono Potenti'
1.14. Parte I: 'D'una Dolce Speranza'
1.15. Parte I: 'Cadranno I Lupi Fieri'
1.16. Parte I: 'A Quella Omnipotente Man'
1.17. Parte I: 'Signor, Le Tue Minacce Noi Provammo'
 
2.1. Parte II: Sinfonia
2.2. Parte II: 'Sichemi Perche Mai Lui'
2.3. Parte II: 'L'alte Strida'
2.4. Parte II: 'Ove' Son Giunto, Ohime Infelice'
2.5. Parte II: 'À Pur Vinto, O Sorte Barbara'
2.6. Parte II: 'Alfin Sè Giunto Al Varco Dallo'
2.7. Parte II: 'O Beato Fortunato'
2.8. Parte II: 'Che Fia Di Gedeone?'
2.9. Parte II: 'Lodi Al Dio Delle Vittorie'
2.10. Parte II: 'Non Le Mie'
2.11. Parte II: 'Cogliete, Amici, Il Frutto Di Vostra Fede'
2.12. Parte II: 'M'abbondano Le Lagrime Per Doppia Gioia'
2.13. Parte II: 'Chi Nel Signor Confida Non Perisce In Eterno'