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Showing posts with label glossa. Show all posts
Showing posts with label glossa. Show all posts

Friday, 22 January 2021

André Grétry - Andromaque


"Born in Liège, André-Ernest-Modeste Grétry (1741-1813) arrived in Paris in 1767, after spending several years in Italy. A first collaboration with Marmontel, 'Le Huron', brought him immediate success. The French queen was very fond of 'opéras-comiques', which gave Grétry an opportunity to seek a position at the royal court; he became harpsichord teacher to Marie-Antoinette. Between 1770 and 1780 he composed a series of masterpieces, which became well known throughout Europe. 1785 marked a turning-point in his career. From then on he gradually moved away from musical life and began to write his 'Mémoires'. After the Reign of Terror (1793-94), Grétry found his supporters again. He was appointed to the Institut de France in 1795, and was elected a Chevalier of the Légion d'honneur in 1803. Having retired to 'L'Ermitage' at Montmorency (formerly owned by Jean-Jacques Rousseau), he devoted much of his time to writing. Grétry tried his hand at all the musical genres, but it was in the 'opéra-comique' that he showed the greatest originality. Among his 'opéras-comiques' are 'Zémir & Azor', 'Richard Cœur de Lion', 'La fausse magie' and 'L'amant jaloux'. His religious music and instrumental compositions date from his stay in Italy. A 'ballet héroïque' entitled 'Céphale & Procris' (1773), his 'tragédie lyrique', 'Anromaque' (1780), and a number of pieces written during the Revolutionary period show the composer in a different light.

"Between 1774 and 1779, Gluck presented five new works in Paris, 'Iphigénie en Aulide', 'Orphée', 'Alceste', 'Armide' and 'Iphigénie en Tauride', bringing about important changes in French opera and opening the doors wide to Romanticism. Gluck's contemporary Grétry was regarded at that time as the leading composer of 'opéra comique', and no one expected to see a work by him, least of all a dramatic work, on stage at the Académie Royale de Musique, alias the Paris Opéra. His only experience in that field had been 'Céphale & Procris' in 1773, a 'ballet heroïque', which after a mixed reception had ultimately been a failure. Yet Grétry must have had potential in the tragic genre, for the libretto of 'Iphigénie en Tauride' had been intended for him, although it finally went to Gluck, much to his despair, making the two composers henceforth rivals at the Académie Royale. By way of compensation, however, Grétry was offered the even more ambitious challenge of providing the music for an opera based on one of Racine's most sombre tragedies, 'Andromaque'.

"The venturesome project came into being in somewhat exceptional circumstances. In the spring of 1778, the press reported unusual effervescence: 'The spectacle that is most likely to focus public attention this season will probably be at the Opéra, in relation either to the change of administration there, or to the new productions that are on the way' ('Journal de Paris', 23 April 1778).

"A small revolution was under way at the Académie Royale de Musique. For several weeks its new director, Anne-Pierre-Jacques de Vismes du Valgay (1745-1819), who had been appointed in October 1777 to succeed Pierre-Henri-Montan Berton, had been the talk of Paris. His arrival brought great changes within the institution. He immediately introduced drastic reforms, even in areas that were not normally the director's concern: he had the stage and orchestra pit enlarged and refurbished; seating for some of the audience was once again provided on stage; the great chandelier was removed; performance times were altered; women were forbidden to attend wearing high coiffes; and those were just some of them. And his artistic policy was just as radical. Amongst other things, he reformed the status of the artists, renewed some of the staff, revised author's fees, increased the number of weekly performances, and reoriented programme planning. Two months before his arrival, a new set of regulations (49 articles) was drawn up, defining the new director's rights, and reminding those employed by the Opéra not only of their duties, but also of the rules governing subordination. The tone was set. Although de Vismes was by no means lacking in ideas, diplomacy and flexibility were clearly not among his qualities. And so it was not long before he met with hostility from staff members and also from some members of the public. His term of office was marked by plots, scandals and arrests, providing a constant topic of conversation in the city. 'The extreme unrest that this quarrel has caused both in the city and at Court is unbelievable. Princes, ministers, duchesses, everyone takes an interest and participates; no one can be indifferent' ('Mémoires secrets', 15 March 1779). Thus, on 23 January of the following year, 1780, de Vismes, feeling that his post had become definitively too restrictive, handed in his resignation.

"Yet the general consensus was that 'there had never been so much variety in new operatic works' as there was in January 1779, when de Vismes achieved the hitherto unprecedented feat of presenting twelve different works within the space of just a few weeks. Paris was amazed to discover that 'it was as easy to to alternate serious operas as it was to alternate comedies' ('Mémoires secrets', 21 January 1779). The new director's main concern had been to achieve the greatest possible variety in every aspect - in time, space, style and form. Therein, he believed, lay the secret of success. Accordingly, at the very beginning of his office, in an address to the Opéra staff, he stated his intention of 'wecloming every genre and showing no partiality in choosing them'. That variety, 'offering each in turn spectacles that were to their liking' (La Borde, 'Essai sur la musique'), met with general approval, and thus de Vismes secured audience support. One of the spearheads of his policy was the revival of old works, which he set against the most modern productions: 'I intend to bring together works composed at very different times, so that the public in general will have the means of comparing and judging more accurately the progress that has been made in that art and each member of the public the possibility of enjoying the genre he prefers' ('Journal de Paris', 15 February 1779). A fine undertaking, aimed as much at the intelligence of the community as at the sensitivity of the individual, and almost as strong in its pedagogic content as in its true artistic value. In the early months of 1779 he was able, with pride, to make his first assessment: 'I have presented consecutively works by MM. Piccinni, Gluck, Philidor, Rameau, Paisiello, Anfossi and other; so all that is missing is a work by Lully, and what better choice could I have made than his opera Thésée, which has constantly enjoyed a fine reputation, and which the beauty of the text, the magnificence of the spectacle and the riches lavished on it by Quinault's imagination will make forever dear to the nation.' If the revival of early works was meant to satisgy a particularly section of the public, new operating and choreographic works were not neglected. Only three new works had been presented in 1777-78, whereas de Vismes' inaugural season scheduled sixteen, including several 'ballets pantomimes' and many Italian 'opere buffe'. His larger-scale projects, on the other hand, proved much more difficult to bring to fruition. During his first season, only one new three-act 'tragédie lyrique' was premièred in 1779, but Piccinni's was not presented at the Académie Royale until 1781. For a time the institution's repertoire was renewed by works commissioned from authors of international renown, such as Johann Christian Bach, Gossec and Philidor.

"So that was the context in which the 'Andromaque' project saw the light. In inviting Grétry to imagine Racine's tragedy as a 'tragédie lyrique', de Vismes was sure to arouse public curiosity and bring people flocking to the theatre. At a time when good librettos were becoming a rarity, he had the idea of reusing some of the old librettos by Fontenelle, Houdar and de La Motte, Fuselier and especially Quinault. Thus the season from 1770 to 1800 saw the staging of Piccinni's 'Roland' and 'Atys', Gluck's 'Armide', Johann Christian Bach's 'Amadis', Philidor's 'Persée', two version of 'Thésée', by Mondonville and Gossec, and Paisiello's 'Proserpine'. This wish to return to the models of the reign of Louis XIV led to the idea of transporting to opera of of the tragedies of Corneille and Racine, to which Grétry's 'Andromaque' is a perfect illustration, as are Sacchini's 'Le Cid', Salieri's 'Les Horaces', and even the two versions of 'Iphigénie en Tauride' by Gluck and Piccinni. More than any other, the choice of 'Andromaque' was very symbolical. Written in 1667, it was the tragedy that established Racine's reputation as a poet. Between 1667 and the Revolution, it was one of the most frequently performed plays in France. It was unquestionably one of the pillars that gave the national repertoire its identity. Transferring it from the dramatic stage to the operatic stage meant having to reconsider a whole set of parameters, since there was a considerable difference between the rules governing spoken (declaimed) tragedy, on the one hand, and the (sung) 'tragédie lyrique', on the other. Louis-Guillaume Pitra (1735-1818) was the poet who undertook the adaption of Racine's play. He justified the changes he had to make in a detailed foreword to the work:

"'In adapting this tragedy by Racine to the operatic stage, we had to sacrifice countless beauties, which we regretted as much as any person of good taste will do. We were aware more than anyone of the absurdity, the audacity even, of such an undertaking; but our sole aim was to serve the genius of an artist whose talents have so often been our delight, and everyone knows that the pace of an opera requires the cuts which we were obliged to make in the poetic text of the immortal Racine. We retained that great man's lines insofar as the division of the scenes and the form of the airs and the recitative permitted. Unfortunately, in the process of creating a plot that was appropriate for an opera, we frequently had to add other lines, which we blended in with his. We hope that the public, understanding the reasons, will forgive this kind of sacrilege.'

"What Grétry himself says supports the sincerity of his librettist's cautious word: 'Let it not be assumed that Pitra had the slightest pretension in creating this text; he touched Racine's lines only with respect, and because the music required cuts to be made. His desire to see me test my strength on a tragic subject was his reason for undertaking this work, which he brought to be as a bare framework still recquiring the attentions of a poet; but since he knew no one who could assume so formidable a task, I made him take the risks of doing so himself.' Despite Pitra's reorganisation of the text, 'Andromaque' retains Racine's superb versification and an elevated tone that was rare in opera at that time. The ever-present choruses, supporting the four main characters and commenting on, and sometimes participating in, the action, give the work a monumentality that Grétry brings out perfectly in his music, while showing his excellence as dramatist. Appropriating the language of Gluck, he succeeds even better than the latter in fitting together the various elements - airs, ensembles, choruses - to form a continuous discourse that was revolutionary for that time, heralding the operas composed much later by Spontini... or even Berlioz. Grétry wrote in his 'Mémoires': 'The text of 'Andromaque' demands a profound sensibility which the too energetic Gluck could not command. It was in the hope of being superior to him in that respect, and wholly persuaded that I was inferior to him in strength, that I undertook this work.'

"'Andromaque' is undoubtedly the work by Grétry that belongs the least to its own time, and indeed, it was sharply criticised for that reason. In his 'Correspondance littéraire', the ferocious critic La Harpe, disconcerted by the modernity of the work, noted that Grétry, who is 'so charming in 'opéras-comiques', and shows in the singing the grace and gentleness he learned in Italy, has left his habitual genre for that of Gluck, a desertion that is not to his advantage. In this work there is nothing but a shrill and tedious noise, and all the failings of Gluck without the presence of what redeems to some extent them, that is to say, expressive pieces and an understanding of theatrical effect. Indeed, this drama is as badly constructed as it could possibly be, and Racine's masterpiece is horribly disfigured.' Like many original or visionary works - Charpentier's 'Médée', for example, or Rameau's 'Hippolyte & Aricie', Berlioz's 'Les Troyens'... - 'Andromaque' came under fire from the critics at first. Was Grétry aware of his audacity? Presumably not, for in his 'Mémoires' he admitted that no work had cost him less trouble. He completed 'Andromaque' in thirty days, although 'contrary to my wont, I composed in the evening and wrote out the music the following morning. The author of the text, Pitra, was with me all the time. Constantly carried along by the beauty and pace of the action, I wrote it in one go. It has, perhaps, too much warmth, even in the music, and I advise those who have it performed not to hurry the movements.'

"The authors thus threw themselves wholeheartedly into the adventure. But when the time came to stage the work, the director of the Académie Royale, de Vismes, was again faced with problems. 'Andromaque''s genesis was chaotic and it came close to not being presented at all. The first rehearsals, in May 1778, were halted by a dispute with the Comédie Française, which helf the acting monopoly to the play and succeeded in having the performances banned. After many complications, the work nevertheless finally reached the stage in June 1780, by which time the director of the Académie was Antoine Dauvergne, who had succeeded de Visme's successor, Henri-Montan Berton, on the latter's sudden death a few weeks previously. However, the première, initially scheduled for the beginning of the season in April, had to be postponed, this time because Mademoiselle Levasseur, who singing the title role, had fallen ill. In a letter of 26 April 1781, Dauvergne wrote: 'My opinion is that 'Andromaque' should be given on Sunday, even if that means Madame Saint-Huberty taking the part, but I am told Monsieur Dauberval has declared that the ballets will not be ready. So the performance of the opera has had to be postponed.'

"The administrative context was more favourable by that time, but there was nevertheless continuing strife and some of those working for the institution, notably members of the corps de ballet, decided to air their long-standing grievances by being uncooperative and making as little effort as possible in the dances. In another letter of 2 April 1781, Dauvergne complained, though to no avail, to the royal court:

"'[The negligence of the 'sujets'] recently caused the failure of 'Castor [& Pollux]'; indeed, the fight, which used to be superb, and which made more than a small contribution in attracting the attention of a portion of the public, was detestable [...] and all the other ballets in that opera were likewise neglected; the whole audience expressed its dissatisfaction; and that is how all the other operas we have given this year have been treated; 'Andromaque', 'Alceste', 'Persée', 'Iphigénie', were likewise skimped, although there is very little dancing in them; now we include only a very few dancers in the corps de ballet for those pieces.'

"Indeed, 'Andromaque' had a mixed reception. It was criticised especially for its many choruses, which gave people the impression that they were listening to an oratorio rather than an opera. The ending was considered too tragic for the stage of the Académie Royale. And audiences were used to there being more 'divertissements' to provide relief: here they found few light choruses, not many dances, no virtuoso ariettes... Grétry and Pitra decided therefore to refashion the third and last act. Moving away from Racine's original, they explored the spectacular potention and musical possibilities of the final scene, making 'Andromaque' end this time on a happier note, with a wedding. A second series of performances, with the opera in its new form, was given in 1781, and this time its success was without reserve. But then a few weeks later a serious fire at the Opéra put an end to the triumph of 'Andromaque'. Most of the sets and costumes were destroyed and the work was never shown again in France.

"More than two centuries later, the music of 'Andromaque' may still seem surprising to us today. It is in fact totally symbolic - symbolic of a century of evolution in French opera, from its heyday under Louis XIV to its final radiance under Louis XVI. This 'tragédie lyrique' by Grétry is characterised above all by its lack of concession to imperatives of the drama; the music serves, underlies, comments on and extends the drama without ever impeding it. The 'divertissements', in which the few decorative ballets and choruses are found, are reduced to a minimum; perfectly integrated into the action, they never hold it up but, on the contrary, create 'suspense', heightening the seriousness of the scenes that follow.

"To create such a dramatic work meant having to ignore completely, in every respect, the aesthetic that had still been prevalent only ten years previously - that is to say, the aesthetic that had been valid throughout the career of Rameau and his contemporaries. At the same time the dramatic works imagined a century earlier by Lully and Quinault had gradually given way to a decorative style. Thus, Baron Grimm ('Encyclopédie', IV, p. 103) had noted that the dance, 'that artificial part, has even of late become the main element in opera'. And the great Marmontel, as forthright as ever in his views, had written in the 'Mercure de France' (July 1759, II, p. 94) that 'the moderns are degenerating; their taste for florid decoration, if one may say so, has spoiled all the emotion'. In the mid-eighteenth century, the 'Encyclopédie' (IV, p. 350) gave the following advice to potential opera librettists and composers:

"'[At the time of Lully] the three and a quarter hours of a performances included two and a half hours of recitative; today the latter must be replaced by 'divertissements', choruses, dramatic action, brilliant vocal pieces, etc. Otherwise tedium is assured, and failure of the opera is inevitable. Hence only about three-quarters of an hour of recitative is required; therefore an opera must be very differently structured nowadays compared to the works of Quinault.'

"The 'revolution' that Gluck brought about, first of all with 'Iphigénie en Aulide' (1774) and even more with 'Alceste' (1776) in particular, had enabled French opera to return to its origins, and maybe go back even further still, by bringing the new aesthetic of opera closer to that of the great plays of Corneille and Racine that used declamation. After a century of developments in the Baroque mould through the skills of Quinault, opera thus moved back in time, closer to its ancestor of the Classical period: spoken tragedy. The Gluck era paved the way therefore for the operas that were to flourish throughout the nineteenth century, the work of eminently Romantic authors. Grétry's 'Andromaque' stands at the crossroads, at the point where those different styles and issues meet. Viewed by turns with a Baroque, Classical or Romantic eye, its many facets shed new light on its composer." (Benoît Dratwicki, tr. Mary Pardoe. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Le Concert Spirituel; Hervé Niquet

1.1. Ouverture
1.2. Acte I, Scène I: 'Cessez De Répandre Des Larmes'
1.3. Acte I, Scène I: 'C'est Le Seul Espoir Qui Me Reste'
1.4. Acte I, Scène I: 'Si, Fidèle Au Noeud Qui L'engage'
1.5. Acte I, Scène II: Marche
1.6. Acte I, Scène II: 'Au Vainqueur Des Troyens'
1.7. Acte I, Scène II: 'De Tous Nos Rois Secondez La Colère'
1.8. Acte I, Scène II: 'Non, Non'/'Je Veux Défendre Et Le Fils Et La Mère'
1.9. Acte I, Scène II: 'Je Ne Fus Que Trop Implacable'
1.10. Acte I, Scène II: 'Je Defendrai Contre Eux Et Le Fils Et La Mère'
1.11. Acte I, Scène III: Marche
1.12. Acte I, Scène III: 'Je L'envoie, Je Le Sais, Aux Pieds De Sa Maîtresse'
1.13. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Où Portez-vous Vos Pas?'
1.14. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Ils Me Menacent De Leurs Armes'
1.15. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Triste, Captive, Importune À Moi-même'
1.16. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Votre Vainqueur Baigne De Larmes'
1.17. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Ah ! Dites-moi Seulement Que J'espère'
1.18. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Murs Sacrés ! Que N'a Pu Conserver Mon Hector'
1.19. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Cruelle!'
1.20. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Vous Le Voulez ? Hé Bien, Cruelle'
1.21. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Le Fils, Dans Ma Juste Colère'
1.22. Acte I, Scène V: 'Ah! C'en Est Fait, Cruelle!'
1.23. Acte I, Scène V: 'Je M'applaudis De Ma Victoire'
1.24. Acte I, Scène V: 'Qu'on Cherche Oreste, Amenez Hermione'
1.25. Acte I, Scène VI: 'Fille De Menélas, Oreste'
1.26. Acte I, Scène VI: 'J'oublie À Jamais L'ingrate'
1.27. Acte I, Scène VI: 'Dieux ! Que Cet Aveu Me Flatte'
1.28. Acte I, Scène VI: Marche

2.1. Acte II, Scène I: 'Modérez Ce Transport Jaloux'
2.2. Acte II, Scène II: 'Regnez A Jamais Dans Mon Ame'
2.3. Acte II, Scène II: 'Bientôt La Pompe Nuptiale'
2.4. Acte II, Scène III: 'Ne Fuyez Point Un Spectacle Si Doux!'
2.5. Acte II, Scène IV: 'Elle Fuit, La Cruelle, Et Se Rit De Mes Larmes'
2.6. Acte II, Scène IV: 'Chère Épouse, Dit-il, Je Te Laisse Ce Gage'
2.7. Acte II, Scène IV: 'Et Sa Mère Pourrait Supporter Son Trépas?'
2.8. Acte II, Scène V: 'Hâtons-nous Et Quittons Ce Rivage'
2.9. Acte II, Scène VI: 'Phoenix, Il Faut Aux Grecs Livrer Le Fils d'Hector'
2.10. Acte II, Scène VI: 'Hélas! Vous Pouvez, Sans Pitié'
2.11. Acte II, Scène VII: 'Laissez-moi Baigner De Mes Larmes'
2.12. Acte II, Scène VII: 'Je Ne Puis Resister À Ses Larmes'
2.13. Acte II, Scène VII: 'A Votre Fils, Je Servirai De Père'
2.14. Acte II, Scène VII: 'Ciel C'en Est Fait!'
2.15. Acte II, Scène VIII: 'C'est Pour L'hymen D'une Immortelle'
2.16. Acte II, Scène VIII: Gavotte
2.17. Acte II, Scène IX: 'C'en Est Fait! Le Parjure!'
2.18. Acte II, Scène IX: 'Va Lui Jurer La Foi Que Tu M'avais Jurée'
2.19. Acte II, Scène IX: 'Quoi! Preferer À La Fille D'un Roi'
2.20. Acte II, Scène X: 'Croirai-je Que Vos Yeux Sont Enfin Désarmés?'
2.21. Acte II, Scène X: 'Je Crois Tout'
2.22. Acte II, Scène X: 'Lâche! N'espère Plus Obtenir Ma Conquête!'
2.23. Acte II, Scène X: 'Il Ne Mourra Que De La Main D'Oreste'
2.24. Acte II, Scène X: 'Jurez De Venger Son Injure'
2.25. Acte III, Scène I: 'Ombre Chérie, Ombre Sacrée'
2.26. Acte III, Scène I: 'Reçois, Chère Ombre Que J'adore'
2.27. Acte III, Scène I: 'Vivez Pour Votre Fils Et Faites Son Bonheur'
2.28. Acte III, Scène II: 'Pyrrhus Vous Attend À L'autel'
2.29. Acte III, Scène III: 'Quel Spectacle Cruel!'
2.30. Acte III, Scène III: 'Bravons La Crainte Et Le Danger'
2.31. Acte III, Scène IV: 'Chantons, Celebrons L'hymenee'
2.32. Acte III, Scène IV: Gavotte
2.33. Acte III, Scène IV: Menuet
2.34. Acte III, Scène IV: Reprise De La Gavotte
2.35. Acte III, Scène IV: Marche
2.36. Acte III, Scène IV: 'Dieu D'Hymen, Que Sous Ton Empire'
2.37. Acte III, Scène IV: 'Andromaque, Régnez Sur Mon Peuple Et Sur Moi'
2.38. Acte III, Scène IV: Combat
2.39. Acte III, Scène V: 'Quels Cris Me Remplissent D'effroi?'
2.40. Acte III, Scène VI: 'Princesse, C'en Est Fait ! Votre Haine Est Servie'
2.41. Acte III, Scène VI: 'Barbare, Ne Voyais-tu Pas'
2.42. Acte III, Scène VII: 'Est-ce Hermione?'/'Et Que Viens-je D'entendre?'
2.43. Acte III, Scène VIII: 'Ô Fureur! Ô Funeste Sort!'
2.44. Acte III, Scène VIII: 'Sauvons-le De Sa Fureur!'
2.45. Acte III, Scène VIII: 'Filles D'enfer, Vos Mains Sont-elle Prêtes?'
2.46. Acte III, Scène VIII: 'Dieux Implacables, Dieux Vengeurs'

Sunday, 4 October 2020

Giovanni Battista Costanzi - Sinfonie per Violoncello

"Both the life span and the professional career of Giovanni Battista Costanzi ran their courses entirely within Rome; and indeed, he was born in the city, on September 3, 1704. He began to study the cello at an early age and clearly his talents must have been considerable, since at the age of only 17 he entered into the service of Cardinal Ottoboni, who had previously been the patron of figures such as Corelli and Handel. The combination of that youth and his ability on the instrument earned Costanzi the nickname of 'Giovannino del violoncello'. He was to enjoy a meteoric rise within Roman musical life. In 1722 he was appointed as one of Ottoboni’s 'auitanti di camera' and joined, as a cellist, the orchestra of the church of San Luigi dei Francesi. In 1727 the première of his first opera took place with 'L'amor generoso'. 
 
"Following Ottoboni’s death in 1740, Costanzi took up employment with another cardinal, Troiano Acquaviva d’Aragona. With the passing of the years, his commitment to sacred music became steadily greater, in a way which coincided with his successive appointments as maestro di cappella in the churches of Santa Maria di Loreto (1742), San Marco and Santa Maria in Vallicella (1743) and Sant'Apollinare alle Terme (1747). In 1754, he became the assistant to the director Pietro Paolo Bencini at the Cappella Giulia, the full position becoming his from the start of the following year; he would continue in that position until his death, which took place on March 5, 1778.
 
"Whilst vocal music occupies a predominant place in Costanzi’s output (divided between operas, oratorios and cantatas), it is his works for the violoncello which nowadays are regarded more highly: in them the composer developed and enriched the technical and expressive resources of an instrument for which he was a recognized virtuoso. Costanzi composed one concerto for the cello, as well as sonatas with basso continuo (which Giovanni Sollima has recorded on a previous Glossa disc), sinfonias with basso continuo and sonatas for two cellos, amongst which is one subtitled, 'ad uso
di corni da caccia'. 
 
"If there are no great formal differences to be found between Costanzi’s sinfonias and his sonatas, the former do reveal a somewhat more advanced stylistic orientation. Where the sonatas show clear evidence of a thorough reading of Corelli's music, the sinfonias are infused with a spirit which is more open to the proposals offered by the stile galante, a greater receptiveness to the ideas coming from elsewhere in Europe and the rest of Italy. The organizational model of the four movement 'sonata da chiesa' is followed in the sinfonias in D major and B flat major, except for one difference: the placing of a minuetto at the end. The other sinfonias are provided with a three-movement structure – as found in the sonata da camera – but are also almost completely freed from dance rhythms, except as found in their closing minuets (Sinfonias in G and E flat), serving as a further nod in the direction of the emerging style.
 
"The new consciousness is also pointed to by the 'amoroso' marking which appears above several movements: that of eavesdropping on an emotional display of warmth far from the guarded lyricism of Corelli. A pronounced interest for the 'popular' also crops up at various points alongside the galant accents. Nor, in this context, should the instrumental writing and the broadening of the cello’s technical and expressive potential be forgotten. Two examples are worth noting here. The direction 'amoroso' which opens the Sinfonia in C major sees the instrument’s double melodic and harmonic character being explored, by means of a wealth of accents probing (like in Bach) the polyphonic possibilities of the cello and the inter-register dialogue. Another 'amoroso' movement – that which comes third in the Sinfonia in D major – projects the cello into its high register; the technique employed here is one of Costanzi’s most personal discoveries, in which he impels the instrument into creating stratospheric harmonic sounds. 
 
"Something of interest is to be found in each of the sinfonias. The Sinfonia in G major is still flecked with a Corellian gravitas both in the balanced lyricism of the 'Grave' as in the controlled ardour of its virtuosic 'Allegro', while the final movement probes the more attractive, French aspect of the minuet. In the Sinfonia in E flat, Costanzi demonstrates what a consummate man of the theatre he had become. The 'Adagio' sets off with an elegant and noble carriage, but then undergoes a form of 'cultural memory loss' during the course of its development, until – as if by surprise – it assumes the habits of a popular tone in the final bars. The 'Allegro' is a dishevelled corrente supplied with unreserved and temperamental rhythms; there is an almost spiritual mien to the Minuet, which ends up with a type of vanishing gesture. In addition to what has already been mentioned about the opening 'Amoroso' movement of the Sinfonia in C major, it can be said that its internalized tone contrasts with the outgoing nature of the ensuing 'Allegro', a virtuosic explosion of arpeggios and double-stoppings communicating an optimistic exuberance – features which extend into the concluding 'Allegro'. 
 
"The Sinfonia in D major gets going with a broad and lyrical 'Adagio staccato', although it ends with an unexpectedly ecstatic finale. The same sense of unpredictability characterizes the 'Allegro' with its popular moods and sudden suspensions, and in the 'Amoroso' also, in which plaintive inflections appear occasionally in its cantabile. The 'Minuetto amoroso' is also marked by mood swings, with its restless and abrupt demeanour – some distance from the galant lightness typical of the minuet.
 
"A Neapolitan expressiveness hovers over the Sinfonia in B flat, starting with an 'Adagio' which would appear to be fashioned along the lines of music by Leo or Porpora, stopping off for the street sounds of the 'Spirituoso', which lead up to a frenetic culmination, and for the chromaticisms and ornamentations of the 'Sarabanda amoroso', with its wistful and Eastern touches. In this Sinfonia, once again, the 'Minuet' veers away from its aristocratic character in order to take on a popular and vigorous character. 
 
"If Costanzi’s sonatas for cello are swept by a Roman air, his sinfonias catch a glimpse of broader horizons. Despite not moving from his city, Costanzi established and maintained contacts with travellers, diplomats, members of the nobility and musicians coming from the furthest reaches of Italy and Europe. Such was the case with his friendship with James Francis Edward Stuart known as' the Old Pretender', or with Paul- Hippolyte de Beauvilliers, Duke of Saint-Aignan, France's ambassador at the Holy See who, in 1737, was to commission from Costanzi a 'componimento drammatico' in order to celebrate the diplomat’s admission into the Ordre du Saint-Esprit. These and other connections provided Costanzi with information and clues as to what was happening elsewhere. The Neapolitan, Northern European and French echoes which run across his sinfonias for cello can thus be seen as stages along an imaginary journey, the manifestation of a cosmopolitan and yet wider feeling: this is the world’s diversity as contemplated from the perspective of one who is seated in the place towards which all roads converge. In this sense, Costanzi acts as the ideal embodiment of a city, Rome, which regarded itself as the 'caput mundi'.
 
"The sinfonias of Costanzi are supplemented on this recording with a sonata da camera for two cellos without basso continuo 'ad uso di corni da caccia'. This piece is structured in three short movements, in which – and as is made clear from the outset – the instruments imitate the sounds and the appropriate melodic gestures of horns. The central 'Adagio' is, however, a delicate siciliana interrupted by vigorous flourishes of repeated notes. The 'Presto' which ends the work is the movement which evokes in the clearest manner the atmosphere of the hunt, the pursuit of the animals, the shots being fired… The performers here have opted for heightening the programmatic and spectacular dimension of this sonata by the inclusion of percussion instruments. 
 
"Within Giovanni Sollima’s interest for the figure and creative activity of Giovanni Battista Costanzi lies an attraction which perhaps transcends the purely musical. In more than a single aspect Costanzi represents an alter ego for Sollima: both are performer-composers who place their curiosity and imagination at the service of the cello, from which they explore the most detailed resources and the most varied voices in a constant broadening of the instrument’s possibilities. In his 'The Hunting Sonata', Sollima pays homage to the cosmopolitan vision of a composer who did not need to move
from home in order to savour the world’s variety. The rhythms and the sound materials of the 'Sonata ad uso di corni da caccia' provide a departure point for this, transfigured and moulded in order to shape visions of sound landscapes, distant from each other to a greater or lesser degree, but all related to an imaginary South. Thus, the initial pizzicati sketch the outline of a Neapolitan tarantella to which, little by little, are added all kinds of Mediterranean flavourings (Spanish, Eastern, Maghrebi…). The 'Siciliana' which opens the second movement broadens out Costanzi’s original conception, and the succeeding 'Giga' drives this journey towards a dazzling and tremendous culmination. (Stefano Russomano. From the liner notes.)
 
Performers: Giovanni Sollima, Arianna Art Ensemble, Monika Leskovar

1. Sinfonia In D Major: I. Adagio Staccato
2. Sinfonia In D Major: II. Allegro
3. Sinfonia In D Major: III. Amoroso
4. Sinfonia In D Major: IV. Minuetto Amoroso
5. Sinfonia In B-Flat Major: I. Adagio
6. Sinfonia In B-Flat Major: II. Spiritoso
7. Sinfonia In B-Flat Major: III. Sarabanda
8. Sinfonia In B-Flat Major: IV. Minuet
9. Sonata Da Camera In F Major: I. Amoroso
10. Sonata Da Camera In F Major: II. Adagio
11. Sonata Da Camera In F Major: III. Presto
12. Sinfonia In G Major: I. Grave
13. Sinfonia In G Major: II. Allegro
14. Sinfonia In G Major: III. Minuè
15. Sinfonia In E-Flat Major: I. Adagio
16. Sinfonia In E-Flat Major: II. Allegro
17. Sinfonia In E-Flat Major: III. Minuet
18. The Hunting Sonata: I. Adagio-Allegro
19. The Hunting Sonata: II. Siciliana
20. The Hunting Sonata: III. Giga
21. Sinfonia In C Major: I. Grave
22. Sinfonia In C Major: II. Allegro
23. Sinfonia In C Major: III. Variazioni

Thursday, 23 July 2020

Luzzasco Luzzaschi - Quinto Libro de' Madrigali


"The Ferrarese Luzzasco Luzzaschi, a pupil of Cipriano de Rore and teacher in turn of Girolamo Frescobaldi, much admired and praised by the self-same Gesualdo da Venosa, has passed into history as the principal musical inspiration for the 'Concerto delle Dame', that vocal trio with instrumental accompaniment (for which Glossa has very recently produced a new recording). Luzzaschi’s 'Quinto Libro de Madrigali' from 1595, fully in keeping with the seconda prattica, which stressed the fundamental role of the text both at the point of composing and performing, and which was a new aesthetic which the ensemble La Venexiana led by Claudio Cavina have been responsible for reviving over the last twenty years with a superlative and refined commitment. With this disc from 1999 – their third such for Glossa – the group was definitively recognized as leading modern-day interpreters of madrigals." (From the Glossa website. See here.)

Performers: La Venexiana, Claudio Cavina

1. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Aura, Ch'errando Intorno
2. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Itene A Volo
3. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Lungi Da Te Cor Mio
4. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Se La Mia Vita Sete
5. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Aura Ch'errando Intorno
6. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: O Miracol D'amore!
7. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Ecco, O Dolce, O Gradita
8. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Ahi Cruda Sorte Mia
9. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Se Parti I'moro
10. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Tu Godi O Bell'amante
11. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Io Vissi Anima Mia
12. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Ecco, O Dolce, O Gradita
13. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Cinto Di Neve Homai
14. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: A L'hor Fia Lieto Il Core
15. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Credete A Me
16. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Vivo Da Voi Lontana
17. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Parte Il Corpo Da Voi
18. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Moro Ardendo
19. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: A L'hor Fia Lieto Il Core
20. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Come Viva Il Mio Core
21. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Godete Anima Bella
22. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Può Ben Fortuna Far
23. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Non Guardar, Che Se Guardi
24. Sesto Libro De' Madrigali: Itene Mie Querele
25. Quinto Libro De' Madrigali: Credete A Me
26. Sesto Libro De' Madrigali: Core Mio, Benchè Lontana
27. Settimo Libro De' Madrigali: Gioite Voi Col Canto

Monday, 13 July 2020

Luigi Boccherini - Apocryphal Sonatas


"In an eighteenth century of infinitely slower and more awkward communications than today, the music of Luigi Boccherini (unlike with other composers of the time) benefited from a surprisingly swift and universal circulation: hardly had a composition been issued from the maestro’s quill when a few weeks later it was being heard all over Europe, thanks to the plentiful supply of manuscripts and editions which, throughout the latter part of the Age of Enlightenment, liberally helped to disseminate such outstanding compositions. The works of Luigi Boccherini (which starting from the autumn of 1768 were written in Spain, then some distance from the important European musical centres, notably Paris, Vienna, Berlin and Naples), barely encountered any obstacles in speedily and easily reaching the libraries and music stands of places remote from Madrid. Whether this was because of their popularity, perhaps also as a result of a carefully considered sales approach, they were to be found in Saint Petersburg, Amsterdam, the Balkans, the Spanish, Portuguese, English and French Americas, and even in the faraway Indonesian archipelago, where the Dutch East India Company held a monopoly for colonial activities.

"The manifest quality of the cellist’s music – though he was born in the central Italian city of Lucca it was characteristically, even 'outlandishly' Spanish for an Enlightenment European composer – was no stranger to this broad circulation. Such music was not just personal and unexpected, but also radical and subjectively distant from the bland Viennese dictatorship lorded over as absolute masters, pontificating and imposing tastes and manners, by Mozart and Haydn.

"Nonetheless, Boccherini’s compositions, despite their extraordinary quality and the refined and unusual language, would never have acquired such notoriety and circulation without the support of the most important publishers of the time. The likes of Artaria in Vienna, Longman in London, Hummel in Amsterdam and Berlin, and de la Chevardière and Pleyel in Paris, all identified in this composer a profitable and significant source of income for the lively market within which hundreds of composers competed relentlessly. Add to this the prolific circulation of scores copied by hand (by the many professional copyists who earned decent livings from this activity), and it is easy to explain the enormous fame and esteem earned by Boccherini, in both life and death. Such was the extent of this that Haydn, eager to get in contact with Boccherini (who in his turn declared himself to be 'uno dei suoi più appassionati ammiratori' of the 'Signore Giuseppe Haidn'), enlisted the cooperation of their shared Viennese editor Artaria in order to identify Herr Boccherini’s address. The letters sent by Haydn in 1781 to Boccherini – then dwelling in Arenas de San Pedro in Ávila – failed in being delivered, and thus to convey Haydn’s 'rispettosi complimenti' and 'devoto rispetto' to our musician.

"[...] The four sonatas which have been brought together for this recording – all of them transcriptions of earlier compositions by Boccherini – have been chosen following two clearly different criteria. The first criterion is that of providing a clear and historical view of the creative evolution of Boccherini. Thus, the pieces move from his early years (the Sonata G43 derived from his first string quartet of 1761, probably written in Milan) through to the final – the most castizo and madrileño – period, (the Sonatas derived from the quartet, La Tirana and the quintet, La Seguidilla from 1792 and 1795 respectively), by way of the Sonata G24/4 derived from the Trio Op 14/4 from 1772, from a pivotal time for the establishment of the Boccherinian style, when the composer was working for the Infante Don Luis, brother of the king of Spain, Carlos III. The second criterion, perhaps the more important and interesting one for the performers here, has been to consider how to deal with the 'reinvented' Boccherinian output with the transcription as a legitimate way of artistic expression. This has been done in two ways. One is through the optic of Boccherini’s contemporaries: such is the case with the Enlightenment North America expert, librarian and German musician Christoph Daniel Ebeling (1741 - 1817), and with Jean-Henri Naderman (1734 - 1799), a harpist and French publisher of German origin. The other comes by way of the performers on this recording themselves tackling the process of transcription and adaptation, the 'reinvention' of the original piece. In doing this, they have been inspired by models from Boccherini’s own time, with the aspiration of – without forsaking authenticity and with the greatest respect to the work, the composer and his musical philosophy – providing a completely personal vision of the work as a violinist and harpsichordist would have done in the second half of the eighteenth century. Such are the devoted admirers of the Tuscan-madrileño cellist from two centuries later!

"It is fair to say that the sound of harpsichord’s tone colours may appear to be a little curious in some of these sonatas, especially in the later works. These would undoubtedly be equipped with a more 'authentic' sonority if played by a fortepiano. However, whether or not the fortepiano had been asserting itself over the harpsichord from the second half of the eighteenth century, in Spain, like in the rest of Europe, did not mean that until well into the nineteenth century in many homes, salons, convents and churches the old-fashioned harpsichord would not continue to be played, and persuasively so. This instrument would effectively be alternated with the new fortepianos in the numerous academias de harmonía or meetings of Philharmonic Societies which occupied an important place in the social life from the second half of the eighteenth century through to the first half of the nineteenth. Whether they are played with harpsichord or fortepiano, with harp or guitar, these transcriptions of 'popular' Boccherini pieces of the time, in which the balance between the two instruments – the violin and the harpsichord in our case – is innovative and can call to mind the best sonata-writing of Mozart, they represent a perfect example of the propitious partnership between the great Italian tradition with the casticismo and 'Spanishness' of the music of the wonderful Tuscanborn cellist and composer who arrived in Madrid at an early point in his career, was never subsequently to leave Spain, and became the most popular Iberian composer from the second half of the eighteenth century, and one the most important 'Spanish' composers of all times: Don Luis Boquerini." (Emilio Moreno, tr. Mark Wiggins. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Emilio Moreno, Aarón Zapico

1. Sonata In D Major, Op. 14\4: I. Allegro Giusto
2. Sonata In D Major, Op. 14\4: II. Andantino Sempre Piano
3. Sonata In D Major, Op. 14\4: III. Allegro Assai
4. Sonata In C Minor, Op. 2\1: I. Allegro Comodo
5. Sonata In C Minor, Op. 2\1: II. Largo
6. Sonata In C Minor, Op. 2\1: III. Allegro
7. String Quartet In G Major, Op. 44\4: I. Presto
8. String Quartet In G Major, Op. 44\4: II. Tempo Di Minuetto
9. String Quintet In C Major, Op. 50\5: I. Allegretto
10. String Quintet In C Major, Op. 50\5: II. Minuetto

Tuesday, 5 May 2020

Francesco Cavalli - Artemisia


"The fierce competition between the opera houses in Venice is probably the main reason why the Venetian opera model dominated in Italy and indeed in all of Europe for a long time. Librettists and composers were well aware that their work would be measured against that of others. The success of an opera was judged not least by its financial success, so that the audiences were the decisive factor. What pleased them was repeated and copied; what displeased them was dropped and forgotten.

"Political undertones had been more or less overtly present in Venetian opera ever since public performances began. One theme interested the Venetians in particular: the excellence of the city’s constitution. In contrast to almost all the other realms at that time, Venice was a republic, one whose constitution and laws were considered perfect by Venetians and also by others. In the operas, this situation was mostly reflected by monarchies being depicted as degenerate and corrupt – everyone likes to see others' faults pilloried on stage. (The often encountered assertion that these operas exclusively reflected the libertine spirit of Venice is a modern myth with which the so-called 'funloving society' seeks to establish a link with supposedly historical models).


"Political statement is central to the opera Artemisia, although it is not in the foreground of the action. The problem of power in a monarchy is closely interwoven with love and honour. In the person of Artemisia we have a character who undergoes an important inner change in the course of the opera. At the beginning of the drama we meet her as a queen brought up from childhood by her teacher Indamoro to be aware of her own superiority. Her love for King Mausolus, though sincerely felt, was no more than a ritual. After his death Artemisia takes drastic action to affirm the picture she has of herself. She has a mausoleum (one of the seven wonders of the world) built for her dead husband, drinks his ashes and vows revenge on Meraspe, his supposed murderer. The love she feels for the supposed servant 'Clitarco' – who is actually none other than her deadly enemy Meraspe – not only hinders her sorrow but also represents a genuine loss of power when she finds that she has no control over her own feelings. She moreover feels positively insulted by the fact that the man she adores seems to be of low birth. She initially tries to defend herself by forbidding love affairs at her court, by wishing that her heart would turn to stone and by dedicating herself to conducting wars.


"But the old, not entirely successful devices with which she had demonstrated her mourning now fail completely; she is powerless against her feelings. The ban on love works only in fighting jealousy, her prayers for a heart of stone are not heard and the impending war turns into a complete farce when she sees that it enables Alindo, her general, to seize power. In this way Artemisia learns that her old means of exercising power no longer work, and she surrenders to her fate. It is not important that 'Clitarco' turns out to be of noble birth, nor that he was her deadly enemy. The problem now is rather that she had promised King Mausolus' avenger the right to decide over her wedding. So long as it was only about finding a worthy king, she felt no loss of power; but now that love has come into play, the thought of a stranger holding sway over her is intolerable. The problem can only be solved from outside, and there lies the true loss of power. As the action clearly shows, the state in a monarchy is subject to the ruler’s vacillating emotions; in consequence, Artemisia's loss of power at the same
time signifies great damage to the commonweal.
 

"Meraspe on the other hand constantly veers between hope and despair. The dilemma of his love causes him to lose individuality – the queen cannot love him, not as 'Clitarco' because of his social standing, not as Meraspe because of what he has done. He sees himself as a passive victim, not able to act; indeed, he never even attempts to extricate himself from the dilemma. 

"Divided into pairs, the other characters primarily exemplify an individual principle. Oronta and Alindo represent honour, Artemia and Ramiro love. The women are stronger here, with the men seeking to make up for their weakness by acting unscrupulously. Oronta follows Alindo because he has injured her honour through his betrayal, and she succeeds in deceiving him through disguise and ends up pulling all the strings, so that she can solve the problems almost in the manner of a deus ex machina. Alindo on the other hand strives so much for the honour of being king that he resorts to untoward means, particularly after he has realized that the queen is not as dignified as he thought. His attempt to force her back into the old convention fails, and he returns to Oronta when he realizes that that is what his honour demands.

"Ramiro is so helpless against his love that he does not shrink from blackmailing Artemia and thus betraying Meraspe, his master. Artemia submits to this blackmail out of strength, because she is unwilling to endanger her love, but that is tragically just what causes her to lose her love, for she must obey the command of her beloved Meraspe after already having done so much for him.


"The characters in the comical subplot are intended to contrast with the serious action. Niso and Eurillo make fun of the old nursemaid Erisbe, who stands for the old conditions at the court. Niso even nurtures the hope of marrying
the queen himself; her loss of power could not be symbolized more aptly.
 

"It is only on the surface that this opera reaches a lieto fine, a happy end. While the couples are all united, it is clear that the principles of power and love are mutually exclusive. Indeed, it is even possible for power to hold sway over love. Love is ultimately subordinate to power. This cynical view was hardly calculated to send audiences home with a satisfied feeling, and yet it seems to have been what the Venetian expected, since many other operas of the time end in similar fashion. At all events, to judge by the popularity of this opera throughout Italy between 1657 and 1663, Eurillo's direct request at the end that the audience applaud the work cannot have fallen on deaf ears all too often." (Hendrik Schulze, tr. J. & M. Berridge. From the liner notes.)

Performers: La Venexiana, Claudio Cavina, Francesca Lombardi, Roberta Mameli, Valentina Coladonato, Maarten Engeltjes

1.1. Sinfonia: 'Dure Selci'
1.2. Atto I: 'Ecco Il Mio Vago'
1.3. Atto I: 'Dubbia M'appar'
1.4. Atto I: 'Che Saetti Ed Incateni'
1.5. Atto I: 'Son Le Luci Ch'adoro'
1.6. Atto I: 'Quando Il Cor'
1.7. Atto I: 'Amori, Eh?'
1.8. Atto I: 'Pur Andò L'importuno'
1.9. Atto I: 'Gl'artefici O Regina'
1.10. Atto I: 'Su L'April'
1.11. Atto I: 'Zeffiretti Placidetti'
1.12. Atto I: 'Hor Che Soli Restiamo'
1.13. Atto I: 'Clitarco Prenditi Un Fior'
1.14. Atto I: 'Gran Favor! Gran Mercede!'
1.15. Atto I: 'Ardo, Sospiro, E Piango'
1.16. Atto I: 'Già Del Vostro Nettuno'
1.17. Atto I: 'Cari, Cari Vegetabili'

2.1. Atto II: 'S'Amor Vuol Così'
2.2. Atto II: 'Che Sospiri Clitarco?'
2.3. Atto II: 'Ver Me Un Sol Fiato'
2.4. Atto II: 'Perdon Ti Chiedo'
2.5. Atto II: 'Di Trombe Guerriere'
2.6. Atto II: 'Niso, Niso!'
2.7. Atto II: 'Cara, Cara De Gl'occhi Miei'
2.8. Atto II: 'Ella È Qui'
2.9. Atto II: 'Hor Vieni Ad Abbellirmi'
2.10. Atto II: 'Se Meraspe Crudel'
2.11. Atto II: 'Altri È Gradito'
2.12. Atto II: 'Che Gratie!'
2.13. Atto II: 'Dir, Ch'io V'amo'
2.14. Atto II: 'Indamoro!'
2.15. Atto II: 'Se Tu Vuoi Ch'io T'ami'

3.1. Atto III: 'Ch'io Peni Così'
3.2. Atto III: 'Artemia?'
3.3. Atto III: 'Dammi Morte'
3.4. Atto III: 'Ecco Il Mio Bene'
3.5. Atto III: 'Servi, Ò Là'
3.6. Atto III: 'Dite Il Vero, Son Nera?'
3.7. Atto III: 'Cor Mio Che Sarà'
3.8. Atto III: 'E Che Fia Mai Quel Foglio?'
3.9. Atto III: 'Veggio Venir Clitarco'
3.10. Atto III: 'Hor Siate À Preghi Miei'
3.11. Atto III: 'Al Fin Vuole Il Mio Fato'
3.12. Atto III: 'Non Oso Alzar Le Ciglia'
3.13. Atto III: 'Respiri, Chiudete'
3.14. Atto III: 'Ma' Sen Viene Artemisia'
3.15. Atto III: 'Regina?'
3.16. Atto III: 'Ecco Alindo'

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Monday, 6 April 2020

Nicola Porpora - L'Amato Nome: Cantatas Opus 1


"The publication of Porpora’s 'Nuovamente composte opre di musica vocale' (Cantatas op. 1) should be placed within this [18th century English] social and artistic milieu: designed as a collection of twelve Italian chamber cantatas on Arcadian subjects (six for soprano and six for alto), it was published in 1735, and dedicated to Prince Frederick. The collection, destined to become one of the Neapolitan musician’s most successful works, sets texts by Pietro Metastasio, and seems deliberately planned as a display of the composer’s different expressive, formal and stylistic skills, for all that it uses the large-scale alternating structures typical of the genre: Aria-Recitative-Aria or Recitative-Aria-Recitative-Aria. The edition itself was very well designed and luxuriously engraved, and includes corrections and variants inserted by Porpora himself during the printing runs. It was printed on high-quality paper and distributed without a cover price, as if intended as a valuable gift for connoisseurs: a “business card” for the poetic and musical world of which Porpora was considered to be one of the greatest representatives.

"On the front page of this refined little volume, Porpora states that the cantatas were newly composed, and personally approved by Prince Frederick’s 'delicate taste': although not known of in manuscripts copied before 1735, it is certain that part of the music was written before the composer arrived in Britain. One of his pupils, Giuseppe Sigismondo (1739-1826), attests in his 'Apoteosi della musica del Regno di Napoli' that: 'He [Porpora] set out for London together with his pupil Farinelli in order to compensate for Handel’s deficiency in heroic theatre. But being as shrewd as a fox, he completed his 12 cantatas with continuo and no other instruments [...] and as soon as he arrived in London he had them elegantly published in 1735.'

"[...] As opposed to what is usually stated, cantatas should not be regarded in any way as 'small opera scenes'. To the eyes of Porpora’s contemporaries, they were a reality in themselves, much closer to the ancient idea of 'musica reservata' than to something staged or in any sense theatrical. They were rather to be enjoyed by a few intimate connoisseurs, and to be enjoyed in detail and in depth. It was a genre designed for singers (often female) and instrumentalists, who were rarely professionals, but rather highly-trained amateurs, who in their performance engaged with a small number of listeners able to grasp two essential elements: the composer’s expertise in setting to music the poet’s words, and the performers’ expertise in exploiting the verbal and musical refinements scattered throughout the score. It is a small world, characterised by intimacy and intellectual tension, a world in which shepherds and nymphs express and live out an infinite variety of delicately-shaded emotions, with a deep connection to the eighteenth-century ideals of love and beauty, which are perfectly embodied in the verses and strophes of Metastasio, and in Porpora’s music." (Stefano Aresi. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Stile Galante, Stefano Aresi

1.1. Cantata V: I. 'Scrivo In Te L’amato Nome'
1.2. Cantata V: II. 'O Pianta Avventurosa!'
1.3. Cantata V: III. 'Per Te D’amico Aprile'
1.4. Cantata X: I. 'Oh Se Fosse Il Mio Core'
1.5. Cantata X: II. 'Se Lusinga Il Labbro E ’L Ciglio'
1.6. Cantata X: III. 'Mi Fa Barbara E Ingrata'
1.7. Cantata X: IV. 'Sento Pietade, Non Son Crudele'
1.8. Cantata VIII: I. 'Or Che Una Nube Ingrata'
1.9. Cantata VIII: II. 'Senza Il Misero Piacer'
1.10. Cantata VIII: III. 'M’intendi? Io Tutto Dissi: Ahi Qual Tormento!'
1.11. Cantata VIII: IV. 'Contemplar Almen Chi S’ama'
1.12. Cantata III: I. 'Tirsi Chiamare A Nome'
1.13. Cantata III: II. 'Se In Amor Che Sia Vicino'
1.14. Cantata III: III. 'Sì, Sì, Benché L’aspetto'
1.15. Cantata III: IV. 'So Ben Che La Speranza In Fronte A Chi S’adora'
1.16. Cantata IX: I. 'Destatevi, O Pastori: Ecco Il Mattino'
1.17. Cantata IX: II. 'Nei Campi E Nelle Selve'
1.18. Cantata IX: III. 'Tornerò Fra Le Gregge'
1.19. Cantata IX: IV. 'Silvio Amante Disperato'
1.20. Cantata VI: I. 'Già La Notte S’avvicina'
1.21. Cantata VI: II. 'Lascia Una Volta, O Nice'
1.22. Cantata VI: III. 'Non Più Fra’ Sassi Algosi'

2.1. Cantata XI: I. 'Oh Dio, Che Non È Vero: Ogni Gran Piaga'
2.2. Cantata XI: II. 'Quella Ferita Ch’io Porto In Seno'
2.3. Cantata XI: III. 'Passano I Fiumi E I Rivi'
2.4. Cantata XI: IV. 'Se Mi Prestasse I Vanni'
2.5. Cantata IV: I. 'Queste Che Miri, O Nice'
2.6. Cantata IV: II. 'Sei Mio Ben, Sei Mio Conforto'
2.7. Cantata IV: III. 'Credimi, Sì, Mio Sole'
2.8. Cantata IV: IV. 'Amo, Né Sarà Mai Che A Più Vezzosi Rai'
2.9. Cantata VII: I. 'Veggo La Selva E Il Monte'
2.10. Cantata VII: II. 'Le Direi Mormorando Fra’ Sassi'
2.11. Cantata VII: III. 'Poscia, Quando Il Pastor Guida La Greggia'
2.12. Cantata VII: IV. 'Ma La Selva, Il Monte, Intanto'
2.13. Cantata II: I. 'Nel Mio Sonno Almen Talora'
2.14. Cantata II: II. 'Pria Dell’aurora, O Fille'
2.15. Cantata II: III. 'Partì Con L’ombra, È Ver'
2.16. Cantata I: I. 'D’Amore Il Primo Dardo'
2.17. Cantata I: II. 'Fra Gl’amorosi Lacci'
2.18. Cantata I: III. 'Ch’io Mai Vi Possa Lasciar Di Amare'
2.19. Cantata XII: I. 'Dal Povero Mio Cor, Che Vuoi Speranza?'
2.20. Cantata XII: II. 'Mensogniera Dici: "Spera"'
2.21. Cantata XII: III. 'Pallido, Ancor Tremante'
2.22. Cantata XII: IV. 'Ha Scogli E Rie Procelle'

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