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Monday, 25 January 2021

Carl Ditters von Dittersdorf - Doktor und Apotheker


"'Dittersdorf's musical merits are universally known, his works having brought much enjoyment to the educated in all Europe and one hears them with the feeling of receiving a warm greeting from a well-known friend.' These words begin Dittersdorf's biography which appeared as an anonymous work from 1810 in Erturf entitled 'Gallerie der berühmtesten Tonküunstler des achtzehnten und neunzehnten Jahrhunderts' or 'Gallery of the most famous composers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries'. At this point in time the fame of the composer who had shone first as a violin virtuoso and then as the creator of more than 40 stage works, oratorios, over 120 symphonies and chambers pieces had faded.

"The life and works of this master of the 'Wiener Klassik' may be studied in this first complete recording of his most famous opera 'Doctor and Apothecary', the only work which, since its premiere in 1786, has kept the name Dittersdorf in circulation in the musical world. Although his less thorough critics might view him as a prototype of the prolific and unimpressive 'lesser light' at the side of Mozart and Haydn, Dittersdorf's comprehensible pieces over the more complicated works of both great composers who, for their own part, also respected him as a composer. In the years 1783-87 Haydn produced many of Dittersdorf's operas at the court of Esterház and Mozart didn't hesitate to premiere his Piano Concerto in E-flat major KV 482 as 'interlude music' between the two acts of Dittersdorf's oratorio 'Esther' on December 23, 1785. Both composers played string quartets with Dittersdorf and Bohemian composer Johann Baptist Vanhal in the following order: 1st violin - Haydn, 2nd violin - Dittersdorf, viola - Mozart, violoncello - Vanhal.

"Carl Ditters (as of 1773 Ditters von Dittersdorf) was born the son of a theatre employee originally from Danzig and employed at the k.u.k. court in Vienna on November 2, 1739. He began studying the violin at age seven and made such swift progress that he was taken to the court of the musically-inclined imperial officer Josef Maria Friedrich Wilhelm Prince von Sachsen-Hildburghausen. There the young Dittersdorf became a member of the Prince's orchestra - the oldest private orchestra among the Viennese nobility. Dittersdorf came to view the Prince as a second father and was duly instructed at the Prince's residence - also in violin by the Italian Trani and in composition under the Italian court music master Giuseppe Bonno. He showed considerable talent in composition as well and, after seeing a production of Pergolesi's 'La Serva Padrona' at his patrons residence, developed a life-long enthusiasm for musical theatre.

"Upon taking over the regency at Hildburghausen, the Prince dissolved his Vienna orchestra but also provided the musicians with positions elsewhere, Dittersdorf came as violinist to the Wiener Hofoper orchestra and there was able to expand his knowledge of opera literature. In 1763 he traveled to Bologna with Gluck for the premiere of Gluck's opera 'Il trionfo di Clelia' and was celebrated there as a virtuoso. Two years later he followed Michael Haydn in the post of conductor for the Bishop of Grosswardein in Hungary following a disagreement with the Hofoper director in Vienna over a raise in salary. Here Dittersdorf began a time of fruitful productivity. He enlarged and schooled the orchestra there (composed partially of amateur musicians - among them a confectioner by trade) and introduced the usage of the clarinet as well as the Viennese method of playing while seated - both of which Mozart had to do without in Salzburg - much to his chagrin. During this time Dittersdorf also emerged as a composer with early operas created for a small theater which he himself had begun, with cantatas, the world premiere of his staged oratorio 'Isacco figura del Redentore', as well as orchestral and chamber works.

"However the need to look for a new position came in 1769 when the Bishop dissolved the orchestra due to rumors concerning his 'worldly' lifestyle which were circulated by his enemies at the Viennese court. A short time later Dittersdorf became acquainted with the Bishop von Breslau, Count Schaffgotsch, who was at that time on unfriendly terms with Frederick the Great, and who, in turn, invited Dittersdorf to visit his estates in Johannisberg in Silesia. Originally intending to spend only the winter months of 1769-70, Dittersdorf ended in remaining and taking over the direction of the Count's orchestra of nine musicians. As a sign of gratitude the Count insured Dittersdorf's reception of the papal decoration of the golden spur, which the 14-year-old Mozart also received in the same year. Because the Bishop's finances wouldn't allow him to hire Dittersdorf as a conductor he had him named forestry master of the principality of Neisse and later of Freiwaldau, the reason for which he was made a member of the nobility in 1773 by Empress Maria Theresia - an event which Dittersdorf valued more than his successes as a composer.

"Despite the limited possibilities (his orchestra then numbered 17) - he was so satisfied with his work in the country that he turned down a call to the position of court conductor in Vienna as successor to Florian Leopold Gassmann. In Johannisberg in 1771 he married the Hungarian singer Nicolina Trink who had already appeared as prima donna in his operas a Grosswardein. Between 1770 and 1777 eleven Italian comic operas were composed, among them 'Il vaggiatore americano' and 'Il finto pazzo per amore'. During occasional visits in Vienna he produced his oratorios 'Esther' (1773) and 'Giobbe' or 'Job' (1785) which brought him much recognition as did the productions of his first six program symphonies on Ovid's Metamorphoses played at the Augarten in the spring of 1786 and in the theater. In his autobiography Dittersdorf describes his deep satisfaction at the success of those concerts and further writes:

"'I was about to pack my bags when the actor Stephani the Younger (also supervisor at the Deutsche Oper) visited me on behalf of the management, requesting the composition of a German opera for the usual fee of 100 ducats. I agreed; Mr. Stephani provided the text and in half a year 'Doctor and Apothecary' was being performed. Upon an additional request from the management I wrote two more German operas and one Italian opera - all within a seven-month period. My three German works 'Doktor und Apotheker', 'Betrug durch Aberglauben' and 'Liebe im Narrenhaus' went well; however the Italian opera 'Democrito' was not a success'

"'Before embarking on my return to Silesia in February, 1887, I went to thank the Emperor for his reward for my four operas and held a conversation with him similar to the last time, only that, in addition, he asked my opinion on the Italian operas I had heard in Vienna. I freely gave him my opinions both positive and negative. Whereupon he said, among other things, 'I imagine my musical knowledge to be quite good since my judgement always coincide with yours. When do you intend to leave?' I: 'Day after tomorrow.' Emperor (after having paced up and down thoughtfully): 'Couldn't you postpone your trip eight days?' I: 'If your majesty orders it.' Emperor: 'Good! Do that and - listen - this coming Saturday evening I will order a repeat performance of 'Doctor and Apothecary' and I think the local audience would be pleased to see you at the podium and in the program once again.' I: 'As your Majesty wishes.' Emperor: 'Then it's settled. I will also be there at the theater to see you once more. Farewell until then!' I prepared everything and my opera was performed. The following morning Mr. von Horvath, the head bookkeeper for all the theater box offices, appeared with a roll of 200 gold ducats from the Emperor - who was so kind as to present me with the entire income from my opera. At von Horbath's suggestion I immediately hurried to thank the Emperor before he went to Mass. He received me gladly, we conversed for more than half an hour and he complimented me on my serious and comic styles, ending with the words: 'Come to Vienna as often as you wish and your business allows and come to see me each time. I'll always be happy to receive you, especially since we are both of one mind concerning music.'

"The success of the first opera, 'Doctor and Apothecary', was much greater than one may read out of Dittersdorf's own reports. Its sensational premiere on July 11, 1786 was overshadowed by the likewise successful premiere of Mozart's opera 'Le nozze di Figaro' two months before on May 1st and thereafter the piece was practically dropped from the theater program. Nevertheless, Dittersdorf's high regard for Mozart as well as the problems he faced with the composer's music (as did most of Mozart's contemporaries) may be noted in a conversation between the composer and Emperor Joseph II which Dittersdorf records in his autobiography:

"'Emperor: 'What do you say to Mozart's composition? I: 'He is undoubtedly one of the greatest original geniuses and I've never known any composer to possess such a wealth of ideas. I wish he weren't so wasteful with them. He doesn't allow the listener time to breathe; then, as soon as one has begun to ponder a beautiful idea, there appears another wonderful one to take its place. This continues to such a degree that, at the end, one has not been able to commit even one of these ideas to memory.''

"The years from 1785 to 1790 made up the high point of Dittersdorf's career. In 1789 he travelled to Berlin where he composed six string quintets with two violincelli for the cello-playing Prussian king, Wilhelm II. His star then began to fade in '90's although he continued to be extremely productive - writing, for the most part, German 'Singspiele' or musical dramas. Upon the death of his employer, Dittersdorf was pensioned off with a wretched yearly sum of 300 talers - hardly enough to support himself and his family. At last, the once-celebrated and now nearly-forgotten composer, ill and plagued by gout, found a modest position with the Baron Ignaz von Stillfried at Schloss Rothlhotta in Bohemia where he composed a few more operas (for the theater in Oels, among others, 'The Merry Wives of Windsor') and dictated his life story to his son. Two days following the autobiography's completion Dittersdorf dired on October 24, 1799.

"This autobiography, in which at the end Dittersdorf pleads with society not to allow his family to starve, was published in 1801 in slightly edited form by the author Karl Spazier. It is one of the most revealing, amusing and unsettling documentations of the musical and cultural history of the 18th century as well as an excellent portrayal of a musician's life at this time with all its highs and lows.

"At the same time it has often been regretted that so little about the creation of Dittersdorf's pieces and their reception by the public may be learned from the book. Its wealth of (partially silly) anecdotes of various singers or the not always very meaningful conversations with important personalities does, however, speak for the composer's theatrical talents. That his 'Doctor and Apothecary', the first of his German operas written for Vienna, was a milestone in the history of this genre was first ascertained after the fact. The degree of family the piece enjoyed during Dittersdorf's lifetime may not be found in his autobiography but its success may be verified through other facts. After the Viennese world premiere in 1786 the 'Doctor and Apothecary' (the title in the piano score and text reads, 'The Doctor and the Apothecary' as apposed to the above-mentioned version which appears in the autobiography) appeared in Pressburg in the same year, in 1787 in Kassel, Hamburg, Berlin and Budapest, 1790 in Prague, Riga and Agram, 1792 in Amsterdam and 1793 in Warsaw. The text was translated into English, French, Danish, Swedish, Dutch, Hungarian and Russian before 1800. A piano score drawn up by Dittersdorf had already appeared in print in Vienna by Gottfried Friedrich in 1787.

"A reprint appeared a year later by Schott in Mainz containing all the arias and ensembles except both finales and the 2nd-act sextet. Separate editions of these were also offered. Arrangements of the most popular pieces for piano or string quartet were published as well as the Danish and English versions (the latter of which was quite distorted by numerous deletions and additions by the Mozart student Stephen Storace - a custom of that time). The English rendtion was played 36 consecutive times at the Drury Lane Theater in 1788. None of Mozart's operas enjoyed such wide-spread popularity before 1790.

"What were the reasons behind the fact that this particular piece helped propel Dittersdorf to such heights of popularity? Firstly, the text by Gottfried Stephani the Younger (1741-1800), actor and theater director in Vienna, must be mentioned. Stephani also wrote the libretti to Mozart's 'Die Entführung aus dem Serail' (1782) and 'Der Schauspieldirektor' (1786). For Dittersdorf's piece he used, as was common then, a foreign literary model - 'l'Apothecaire de Mercie' from the French by Count de N. - as it is written in the title. Stephani, a Prussian soldier from Breslau and stationed in Vienna, was certainly not a well-known author; however, a later description of him as 'the evil spirit of this theater period' is just as surely unjustified. Mozart, who had found in Stephani a librettist with whom he worked well, made a more competent judgement in a letter to his father from June 16, 1781: '[...] I believe and wish it as well that he will write an opera for me. Whether he has written his comedies alone or with help [...] he understands theater and his comedies are always well-received. - [...]' The linguistically somewhat abstruse but nevertheless very humorous text offered a musician such as Dittersdorf opportunity for varied structuring of arias and the creation of lively give-and-take of duets, ensembles and especially in the two intricately-developed act finales, despite long-winded dialogue and hair-raising, illogically-resolved dramaturgical complications.

"More important, however, to the pieces public success was Dittersdorf's music. It was his master touch in the creation of melodies which charmed his audiences - something that missed in Mozart's operas before his 'Magic Flute'. Dittersdorf was also, for the most part, successful in avoiding triviality in this genre and even wrote an essay a year before his death in letter form for the musical publication the Leipziger Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung, including his maxims for composers of comic opera. 'As the serious composer (that is, the composer of serious opera themes) must interest his audience mainly through new ideas, I venture to say frankly that the author of the comic opera music secure interest through the offering of light, easily-understood and easily-repeated musical ideas. The truly talented composer will, of course, be able to please the educated listener, as well with these same ideas through instrumental accompaniment, variation and other devices.' The 'Doctor and Apothecary' provides three examples of this hypothesis: the duet Sichel/Gotthold, 'Wenn man will zu Mädchen gehen', the duet Rosalie/Leonore, 'Zwei Mädchen sassen manche Nacht' and Sichel's aria, 'Nur nicht lange sich besonnen'.

"Leonore's aria, 'Zufriedenheit gibt mehr als Kronen' best shows how the widely-educated Dittersdorf, highly familiarized with the opera literature of his time, not only used the typical song and rondo forms for the singspiel genre but also was able to incorporate the large, da capo aria borrowed from the opera seria with brilliant impact. At the time same time he succeeded in portraying folk melodies in a fresh and vibrant way, thus characterizing the various figures in the piece. Gotthold and Leonore, the 'serious' couple, articulate their lovelorn position in virtuosically ornamented or in more sentimentally presented arias whereas the buffo or comic pair, Rosalie and Sichel, are assigned the light, memorable melodies. The composer prepared a wide range of musical styles and expressive modes for the two title roles in the splendidly-characterized arias, 'Galenus und Hippocrates' (Stoessel) and, 'Ein Doktor ist bei meiner Ehr' (Krautmann) as well as in the furious, mentally-abusive 'Sie sind ein Scharlatan), ranging from the prattling parlando of the opera buffa to the parodistically-used dramatic gesure of the opera sria or of Gluck's type of 'Reformoper'. The orchestra also plays an important role here - brilliantly orchestrated in the form of tone-painting which is especially well-illustrated in a scene of the first-act finale where Sturmwals, in a severe state of drunkenness, falls asleep and begins to snore. Dittersdorf differentiates tonally through the inerchange of instrumentation (ranging from simple string orchestra to full use of winds and tympani in the overture and the second-act finale) and through the solo usage of the woodwinds. We may also find apt observations of Dittersdorf's skill in characterization in the afore-mentioned biography of 1810: 'What a wealth of comic, sharply definied characterizations may be found in 'Doctor and Apothecary'! Who is unable to see the satire of the ridiculous solemnity in the aria, 'Galenus und Hippocrates' and the empty gesturing and absurd self-praise of the doctor in 'Ein Doktor ist bei meiner Ehr! der Grösste Mann im Staate!'? How the grave song is ridiculed through the triplets and baroque agility of the violins. The doctor, like the market crier 'Knallerpraller', is laughed at by his audience as he praises himself his cures!'

"In 1914 Lothar Riedinger, the respected researcher of Dittersdorf's operas, formulated the makings of this particular opera's success which laster into the early 1800's and, in spite of a following period of disinterest, nevertheless remained an event in opera history. Riedinger is of the opinion that ,with his 'Doctor and Apothecary' (and subsequent works), Dittersdorf lent final reinforcement to the German comic opera form. He sought to combine the efforts of the singspiel composers (from Hiller's simpler work to the more developed opera buffa) with folk melodies and large-scale ensembles and finales. Richard Wagner commented very correctly - so Riedinger - that one could trace the many phases of the German opera's development through the performance of the 'Jagd', the 'Doktor und Apotheker', 'Zar und Zimmermann' and the 'Meistersinger'.

"The first complete recording of 'Doctor and Apothecary' is based on a piano score published in 1787 by the composer, found at the Österreichische Nationalbibliotek in Vienna, the 1778 republication of this score by Schott and the original text, offering, (with the exception of a few small cuts in the number 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10 and 11 in Act I and numbers 2, 5, 6, 7, 8, 12 and 13 in Act II), the opera in its full length with the original text to the songs. Here and there the spoken dialogues have been smoothed over and reworked. In preferring the original version over the less satisfactory adaptions from the 19th and 20th centuries (Wittmann, Hirschfeld, Kleinmichel, Burkard, Fischer-Gessner) this recording has succeeded in giving a proper and meaningful salute to a truly amusing, imaginative and well-rendered piece of music. Perhaps, upon hearing this opera, we may agree with the comments of one of Dittersdorf's contemporary critics when he wrote about the composer's operas in general in 1791:

"'Although the melodies are not always new or noble one is tempted to sing along. The arias are so brilliantly composed that one must applaud though the text may appear to need revision in places. Add the truly comedic vein of the composer and his outstanding accompaniments with their abundant usage of wind instruments, and one need not wonder at the popularity his operas have enjoyed.'" (Joachim Draheim. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Staatsorchester Rheinische Philharmonie, James Lockhart, Harald Stamm, Waltraud Meier, Hildegard Uhrmacher, Donna Woodward, Wolfgang Schöne, Frieder Lang, Gerhard Unger, Martin Finke, Alois Perl, Thomas Pfeiffer

1.1. Ouvertüre
1.2. Akt I: 'O Wie Herrlich! O Wie Labend'
1.3. Akt I: 'Nun, Herr Hauptmann, Sie Haben Auch Manche Solche Nacht'
1.4. Akt I: 'Wie Kann Freude Noch In Meinem Herzen Wohnen?'
1.5. Akt I: 'Nein, Nein, Das Tut Nicht Mehr Gut'
1.6. Akt I: 'Fürs Erste Ist Zu Wissen'
1.7. Akt I: 'Das Weib Ist Mein Ruin'
1.8. Akt I: 'Wann Hörst Du Auf, Geliebte Qual'
1.9. Akt I: 'Wenn Man Will Zu Mädchen Gehen'
1.10. Akt I: 'Sie Wird Mich Doch Nicht Trügen?!'
1.11. Akt I: 'Holla! Holla! Aufgemacht!'
1.12. Akt I: 'Meine Neue Methode Erregt Aufsehen'
1.13. Akt I: 'Sind Gegen Mich Nur Stümper'
1.14. Akt I: 'Haben Sie Jemals Einen Größeren Narren Gesehen?'
1.15. Akt I: 'Der Wein, Der Wein, Der Wein Ist Ein Specificum'
1.16. Akt I: 'Zwei Mädchen Saßen Manche Nacht'
1.17. Akt I: 'Meinst Du Nicht Auch, Salchen'
1.18. Akt I: 'Verliebte Brauchen Keine Zeugen'
1.19. Akt I: 'Salchen, Hör Zu'
1.20. Akt I: 'Wer Wird Im Schiffbruch Sich Besinnen'

2.1. Akt II: 'Ein Doktor Ist Bei Meiner Ehr''
2.2. Akt II: 'Herr Doktor, Sie Sind Schon So Früh Unterwegs?'
2.3. Akt II: 'Vermaledeit Sei Die Methode!'
2.4. Akt II: 'Ein Unverschämter Kerl!'
2.5. Akt II: 'Viel Eher Soll Sie Gar Nicht Frei'n'
2.6. Akt II: 'Sichel. Seine Verkleidung Ist Vortrefflich'
2.7. Akt II: 'Wahre Liebe Läßt Zwar Hoffen'
2.8. Akt II: 'Alle Wetter, Das Dauert Eine Ewigkeit'
2.9. Akt II: 'Was Ist Das Für Ein Betragen?'
2.10. Akt II: 'Noch Sind Wir Nicht Über'm Berg'
2.11. Akt II: 'Zufriedenheit Gilt Mehr Als Kronen'
2.12. Akt II: 'Recht So, Mein Kind'
2.13. Akt II: 'So Verfährt Man Mit Soldaten?'
2.14. Akt II: 'Halt. Wo Wollt Ihr Hin?'
2.15. Akt II: 'MIt Dir, Du Esel, Geht Mein Spiel'
2.16. Akt II: 'Was? - Wo Sind Die Beiden Hin?'
2.17. Akt II: 'Nur Nicht Lange Sich Besonnen!'
2.18. Akt II: 'Ich Kann Nicht Mehr'
2.19. Akt II: 'Sie Sind Ein Scharlatan. Ein Ignorant'
2.20. Akt II: 'Nun, Liebste, So Weit Wären Wir Doch'
2.21. Akt II: 'Jedem Ist Sein Los Beschieden'
2.22. Akt II: 'Noch Seh Ich Ihn Nicht'
2.23. Akt II: 'Nie Werd' Ich Mich So Weit Vermessen'
2.24. Akt II: 'Seht Nur, Da Kommt Er'
2.25. Akt II: 'Ha! Potz, Pulver Und Kanonen!'

Saturday, 23 January 2021

Giacomo Carissimi - Complete Motets of Arion Romanus


"'A 17th-century Arion': In 1670, the dedication of a cycle of 'sacred songs' to the Bishop of Costanza, Prince of the Holy Roman Empire Franz Joseph, marked the consecration of Giacomo Carissimi as the 'Roman Arion' and represented a definitive confirmation of his fame and important as maestro of maestros, the inventor of a new way of making and listening to music. Arion, born in Lesbos and resident in Corinth at the court of the tyrant Periander in the 7th century B.C., has to all intents and purpose become a myth, and his enormous fame has stripped him of his concrete reality and made him an emblematic figure surrounded by divine power, a symbol of a new concept of music and poetry destine to remain as an example for centuries to come.

"A singer of matchless gifts, a lyric poet of the utmost refinement and sensibility, Arion is recorded as a flesh-and-blood historical figure by Herodotus, who describes him as the inventor of the dithyramb, the ancient Greek hymn sung and danced in honour of Dionysus, characterised by variable metres and extravagant form that reach almost orgiastic lengths. This would place him at the very origins of tragedy according to the doctrines elaborated by Aristotle. In actual fact, throughout the long evolution of poetic form, the form of the dithyramb has been exploited brilliantly in moder works, and it is in the 17th century that it enjoyed a kind of revival enriched with exhilerating new meaning. In that sense Carissimi was an exemplary figure, gifted with charisma and surrounded by intrigue to a much greater extent than so many of his contemporaries were, and in this sense the comparison with Arion takes on a deeper significance.

"Athanius Kircher had already explained with convincing precision that the defining quality of Carissimi's music was its capacity to make the listener feel an enormous range of emotions, and ultimately reach spiritual fulfilment. It was the range of liveliness and the density of content that Kircher saw as the essence of Carissimi's creative genius, hence Arion as a metaphor for changing emotions and the utmost skill in the elaboration of form. Just as Arion was miraculously saved by a dolphin that guided him through the treacherous waters that were about to submerge him, Carissimi had plunged into the difficult waters of oratorio through which he guided the listener on a path that seems to avoid difficulty or danger such is its gentle, reassuring smoothness, belying spontaneous expression of passion. Compared with the many musicians of generations immediately previous to his, Carissimi seems far superior to those whose scholarly efforts seemed to be a vain attempt to vindicate their mediocre work. At that time Carissimi, the maestro of maestros, was considered a composer truly able to mould personalities as diverse as the French composer Marc-Antoine Charpentier or Giovanni Paolo Colonna from Bologna, thanks to the incomparable fascination held by his creative powers and the extraordinary facility with which he seemed to teach others to take charge of sound and musical texture. It is this perfect synthesis of doctrine, which is converted into expressive substance, and the endless freshness of his inspiration that make of this man the Arion of the 17th century, inevitable destined for imperishable fame. (Claudio Strinati. From the liner notes.)

"'Jacomo Carissimi 'sive' Arion Romanus: the 'Melopoet's' dive': Within the specific double-faceted tradition promoted by the Ensemble Seicentonovecento, with the 'sive' of our title our intention today is to suggest a reflection that will help us to reveal one of the metaphors of the Maestro of the San'Apollinare church; thus, in addition to the 'Vir frugi' suggested by Lino Bianchi and the 'Magister humilitatus' I discussed elsewhere, this 'sive Arion' can be considered the key to an understanding 'in reverse order' - from maestro to work/from work to maestro. Plutarch tells the story of a journey made by the famous musician and poet Arion during which the sailors on the ship that was carrying him from Sicily plotted to kill him in order to steal his money. In a dream Apollo promised to help the artist who, as soon as he saw he was in danger, sang one of his hymns, threw himself into the sea and was rescued by a dolphin that had been attracted by his singing. The god then transformed his protégé's lyre and the faithful animal who had saved him into constellations of the boreal sky. The dolphin is the symbol of regeneration, of wisdom, of conversion (in a number of legends dolphins are considered pirates who have been transformed by their repentance), and has an important role in rites of passage and as a psychopomp to lead the soul of the deceased to the afterlife: Christ the Saviour Himself is known to have been represented by a dolphin.

"In Arion's plunge into the sea we see man's self-abandonment into the arms of divine Providence: the longing to reach the gates of salvation - 'in this aiming for a future that contains the notion of returning' - has further echoes in some texts set by hte 'Melopoet' Carissimi: this is the case with one of the motets for solo voice in the collection 'Convertere ad me qui relinquis me peccando ad fontem pietatis abyssus egestatis revertere'. The title of the collection 'Arion Romanus sive Liber primus sacrarum cantonium' refers to the supernatural qualites of the mythical canto and of our composer alike: the poetic dedication 'to the Feast of the Pentecost' where the works of Carissimi, known as 'musical models' even in their time, are defined as 'composed of art and special sweetness merged together', as well as many other philosophical elements displayed in typical laudatory style, extols the rose as 'King' and 'Eye' of flowers. It shows an important relationship between the flower's geometrical principles as symbol of the golden numbers 5 and 12 and those of music which, like 'Orpheus's potion', revives the body and achieves the reconciliation of the universe 'mostly because Music is considered as being either Mistress, or comparison and symbol of a government which through its laws is perfect and absolute'.

"Carissimi's works, as 'models' both new and old, are defined as Gems, Pearls, Marguerites, Roses 'worthy to be woven or to bestow victory on Apollo's crown', while the example they set is recognised as a gift from Heaven. Just as Palestrina was elected as a renewer of polyphonic singing, so Carissimi, as tastes evolved, seems like a kind of fixed star and - 'Sicut stella' - his theories and 'models' appear as golden precepts: 'Every note of his was a gem because it gave a glow to the most precious of art.'

"Giovanni Barrista Mocchi, a loyal student of Carissimi's at the Jesuit German-Hungarian College, ensured the publication in Costanza - the city of the 15th century Council which managed the feat of restoring the unity of the Church after its schism - of a new Catholic and 'Roman' 'icon'. The 'Notice' to further readers and performers is below:

"'To the Musicians. Take note of two things. Don't be frightened by the difficulty of one or two of the songs in this collection: there are no difficulties that cannot be easily overcome even by a student [...] Few of you can use as an excuse their excessive length, which can immediately by remedied by omitting a few verses from the songs for solo voice. Finally I would point out that it was be a good thing to engage Singers, Melopoets and Composers at whatever fee they ask on behalf of those who will thus savour the art of music more deeply than hearing it from raucous lips. I trust you are well and look upon my effort with favour [...] J.B.M.'

"'After us will already be what it once was: '[...] my Arion crowned with music flowers will sing everywhere'.' (Flavio Colusso. From the liner notes.)

"'Reflections on the texts and music of the 'Arion Romanus': 'Arion Romanus' is the title of a published collection of 28 motets by Giacomo Carissimi compiled by Giovanni Battista Mocchi. (The attribution of some of these motets to the composer is currently in doubt). Mocchi (c. 1620-1688) was born in Marino, as was Carissimi, and was a singer at the German College in Rome in the 1630s under Carissimi's direction. For several months in 1646 he studied composition with Carissimi; around that date, like many other Italian musicians of the time but unlike his illustrious teacher, he left Italy to cross the Alps. Subsequently, even when he held the post of 'maestro di cappella' for the Palatine counts in Neuberg, he frequently returned to Rome to keep up his contacts with his teacher and other Roman composers.

"For his project dedicated to Carissimi, Mocchi turned in 1670 to the printer David Hautt the younger in Constance. He was official printer to the local diocesan bishop, Johann Franz, to whom the publication was dedicated. It appears that the Bishop was a fervent Marian devotee and this, as we shall see, had a certain relevance to the content of 'Arion'.

"Rather unusually for Roman musical circles, the only publications entirely devoted to Carissimi's music while he was alive were produced in Germany (the other was printed by Fridericum Friessem in Cologne in 1666): otherwise Carissimi's works featured only in anthologies. Why did the Maestro of Sant'Apollinare not personally promote the publication of his works? Carissimi, the famous maestro of a Jesuit college that was certainly not short of funds, had many admirers and patrons, including Queen Christina of Sweden, who named him 'Maestro di Cappella of the Court Ensemble'. The composer was probably very frugal (he did not have to pay for anthologies) and perhaps even too humble to turn to wealthy patrons, however willingly they might certainly have supported him.

"Looking at the texts set to music in the 1670 publication, we note that none of the 28 motets has strictly liturgical texts. This does not means that these sacred pieces were not appropriate for liturgical use, even in the 17th century: it would be perfectly proper for them to replace the Responsory or to be sung during Communion; in the Office of Hours they can be sung instead of the antiphons, especially the Marian motets as an antiphon before the Magnificat. In any case they were all suitable for the musical forces attached to cardinals, princes and patricians, not least of which were those belonging to Christina of Sweden.

"The use of texts set to music normally meant altering, combining, paraphrasing or transforming textual material that already existed. We also find snatches of biblical texts that haven't been altered that are also present in liturgy, notable from the Psalms and the Song of Songs, but also from Isaiah. We can spot references to Ecclesiastes 17:21 or 23 ('Convertere ad me', a spiritual song appropriate to the period of All Souls) or to Numbers 12:17 (the central section of 'Sicut Mater'). In 'Convertere' the concluding allusion to the Song of Songs does not refer to the Madonna, as is usually the case, but to the human soul that has to start loving God. Other motets that feature Psalm texts, include 'Benedicte gentes', which starts with a direct quote from Psalm 6:8-9 (start) and from Psalm 61:9, and then continues to paraphrase freely. Taking these quotes as a guide the motet is appropriate for Lent, the period following Easter or the Feast of St. Joseph. As far as the prophet Isaiah is concerned we must once again turn to the 'Sicut Mater', which begind with a quote from 66:13 and ends with 35:2. The central sections of the motet, on the other hand, are less specific and the motet, which is stated as 'De Tempore', is appropriate for Advent, Christmas and Epiphany; the conclusion draws particular attention to Mary's status as the Mother of God, which is unusual for Carissimi. At least seven motets in our publication are dedicated to the Madonna. It is not surprise to find references to the Song of Songs, but in 'Salve Virgo' we also find references to the antiphon 'Salve Regina', to the 'Ave Maria' and to the Gospel according to St. Luke.

"In three cases we find references to spiritual literature of the Middle Ages. 'Panem caelestem' shows clear assonance with the prose and mystic poetry of the Franciscan St. Bonaventura (c. 1217-1274): a similar case if 'O quam dilecta Mensa', which also has a refrain taken from two rhyming verses of the 'Giubilo' attributed to St. Bernard of Chiaravalle (1090-1153), who re-founded the Cistercian Order: both motets are liturgically suited to the Feast of Corpus Domini. The same thing seems to go for 'Ave dulcissime Angelorum panis'.

"Who collected or wrote these texts? We know for example that Domenico Mazzocchi and Alessandro Stradello themselves wrote the text of some of their sacred music: we can presume that the same went for Carissimi. We must, however, consider that he also had as eminent colleagues Jesuit father who could act as consultants and even as authors of sacred and spiritual texts set to music.

"Carissimi's motets are usually made up of several sections: that is, they are divided up into a series of sections of variable structure. The main formal elements are: monody in recitative style, the concertato (lively or alternatively more contemplative and closer to the madrigal), the arioso in 4/4 with moving bass, the arioso section in 3/2, the aria and the madrigal proper.

"The 'Arion Romanus' offers us the peerless art of Giacomo Carissimi made accessible in ever possible way to small ensembles. As regards the four 'unica' in this publication and in particular the precious 'Panem caelestem' and 'Benedicte gentes', we are grateful to the pupil Giovanni Battista Mocchi and the printer David Hautt for saving these masterpieces that would otherwise have been lost forever." (Wolfgang Witzenmann. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Ensemble Seicentonovecento, Flavio Colusso

1.1. Mortalis Homo
1.2. Sicut Stella Matutina
1.3. Convertere Ad Me
1.4.  Domine Deus Meus
1.5. Panem Coelestem Angelorum
1.6. Anima Nostra Sustinet Dominum
1.7. Laudemus Virum Gloriosum
1.8. O Dulcissime Jesu

2.1. Sicut Mater Consolatur
2.2. Ecce Sponsus Venit
2.3. Hymnum Jucunditatis Cantemus
2.4. Viderunt Te Domine
2.5. Quis Est Hic Vir
2.6. Omnes Gentes Gaudete Cum Maria (Victore)
2.7. O Beatum Virum
2.8. Egredimini Filiae Sion, Et Videte
2.9. Benedicite Gentes
2.10. O Beatum Virum
2.11. Gaudeat Terra, Jubilent Montes
2.12. Salve, Virgo Immaculata

3.1. Audite, Sancti (Justi)
3.2. Quo Tam Laetus Progrederis
3.3. Quasi Aquila
3.4. Exurge, Cor Meum, In Cithara
3.5. Ardens Est Cor Nostrum (Meum)
3.6. Ave Dulcissime Angelorum Panis
3.7. Desiderata Nobis
3.8. O Quam Dilecta Sunt Tabernacula

Giovanni Legrenzi; Giacomo Carissimi - Oratorios of the Italian Baroque: Il Cuor Umano All'incanto; Oratorio della SS Virgine; Jonas


"In the environment of cultural renewal which took place in the wake of the Catholic counter-reformation at the turn of the 17th century, two diverse forms of sacred poetry written for music arose: the oratorio, championed by the followers of St. Philip Neri, and the sacred drama, favoured by the Jesuits. Both of these forms were aimed at responding to the same need: that of proposing stories of a sacred, spiritual or moral character in a manner pleasing to a vast public. The artistic results which followed were, however, quite different, and perhaps even in direct opposition to one another. The oratorio, in accordance with the canons of Philip's teachings according to which the faithful should be educated through simple and immediate means, was conceived as a composition in two parts, featuring a few fundamental personages and executed by musicians and singers who were hidden from view of the listeners. The sacred drama, on the other hand, conformed to that dramaturgy, which Jesuit theoreticians had long sought to codify, inspired by antique theatrical models. The text of the drama, much longer than that of an oratorio, was divided into three or even five separate acts, at times divided by comic intermezzos, and featured a remarkable number of principal and secondary characters who complicated the plot, while the staging was conceived in such a way as to awe the spectator, even to the point of upstaging the music or the poetic text.

"Music comprised the element of contact between the two genres. While the librettists generally belonged to different cultural milieus, the same composers often wrote both oratorios and sacred dramas. The compositional technique foresaw the use of all musical form employing basso continuo. The sacred drama and the oratorio would thus undergo the same musical evolution as other contemporary genres such as cantatas or operas.

"The music for 'Il Cuor umano all'incanto' was composed by Giovanni Legrenzi in all probability during the very early years of the 1670s. At that time, Legrenzi, who had already served as 'maestro di cappella' at the Accademia dello Spirito Santo in Ferrara beginning in 1656, moved to Venice to take over the post of director of the Conservatorio dei Mendicanti. In 1685 he also became the director of the prestigious chapel of St. Mark's. In these years, he established himself as one of the leading authors of musical oratorios in the Venetian area, collaborating frequently with the local 'Congregazione dell'Oratorio' which met at the church of S. Maria della Consolazione. Documentation preserved in the archives of the church of S. Maria della Consolazione provides details concerning the titles of the oratorios performed in those years: among those cited, we find for the first time, in 1673, 'Il cuor umano all'incanto'.

"The text of the oratorio was written by Pier Matteo Petrucci, a priest of the Order of St. Philip Neri, who took his training at the Universita of Macerata and was a member of the 'Congregazione dell'Oratorio' of Jesi. The years immediately following 1670 were fundamental for the literary production of Petrucci, a prominent figure in Italian mysticism. In 1680, he was named bishop of Jesi, and in 1686 cardinal. Merely a year later, however, in the wake of the trial of Miguel de Molinos, his publications were condemned for quietism by the court of the Inquisition and were placed on the Index of prohibited books.

"The first printed edition in which the text of 'Il Cuor umano all'incanto' appears dates to 1675. It was included in a collection entitled 'Poesie sacre e spirituali de Pier Matteo Petrucci della Congregazione dell'Oratorio di Jesi' and was published in Jesi and Macerata. It is particularly interesting to note the delay of nearly two years which separated the first performances of the oratorio in Venice from its publication, edited personally by Petrucci himself for the very purpose of obviating an unauthorized circulation of his works. This fact demonstrates that the circulation of oratorios took place even before the compositions were published, thanks to the ties which connected the followers of St. Philip who were active in various Italian cities. Evidence of the use of the text by Petrucci - musical scores, librettos, documents concerning performances - may be found today in some of the cities where the oratorians were most active: Venice, Ferrara, Bologna and Naples. The success of the 'Poesie' is witnessed, moreover, by the reprints published in Jesi or Venice in 1680, 1685, 1686 and 1717. 'Il Cuor umano all'incanto', in particular, was set to music not only by Legrenzi, but also by Giovanni Antonio Manara and Pietro Andrea Ziani.

"The version by Giovanni Legrenzi was performed in Venice in 1673, 1674 and 1696, in Ferrara in 1676 and in Vienna at the chapel of Emperor Leopold in 1692. Legrenzi's writing is clear and fluid, and invariably respectful of the moral content of the oratorio. Thus, in the arias the composer avoids superfluous repetitions of the text and in the recitatives the musical phrases conform to the rhythm of the poetical verses. Only in the ensemble sections and in the two choruses placed at the end of each part does Legrenzi elaborate more complex musical situations, though he remains equally moderate in length and faithful always to the general tone of the composition.

"The structure of Petrucci's oratorio follows the stylistic canons recognized and accepted by the majority of authors writing musical oratorios in the second half of the 17th century whose names were scrupulously listed by Arcangelo Spagna in the his 'Discorso intorno a gl'Oratori', published in Rome in 1706 but probably conceived a few decades earlier.

"'Il Cuor umano all'incanto' is divided into two parts, allowing for the insertion of a sermon between the two. It calls for six characters: 'Il Cuore umano' (the Human Heart), 'L'Angelo custode' (Guardian Angel), 'Il piacer vano' (Vain Pleasure), and 'Il mondo' (the World) in the first part; 'Il Cuore umano', 'L'Angelo custode', 'Cristo' (Christ) and 'Il Demonio' (the Devil) in the second. The distribution of the parts is conceived in such a way that it may be performed by four singers, as Petrucci himself scrupulously indicates in the various printed editions: a soprano, an alto, a tenor (for both 'Il piacer' and 'Cristo'), and a bass (for 'Il Mondo' and 'Il Demonio'). The four singers form a chorus at the end of each part of the oratorio, where the moral messages of the text are restated in a more explicit manner.

"The poetic strength of Petrucci lies in his giving the listener a simple and fully enjoyable text, almost scanty in its linearity but faithful to what we have mentioned was the spirit of the message championed by the followers of St. Philip Neri. Petrucci was aware that music and poetry should be a means of transmission rather than ends unto themselves, and he underlined his concept in the preface to the edition of 1686 of his 'Poesie': 'I have often noticed that a great exquisiteness of speech and exceedingly florid phrases offend rather than assist the vigour of the sacred verses and of the poetry which should benefit the spirit [...] Just as the extraordinary sweetness and musical art of a sung voice make man pay greater attention to [the voice] itself than to the sacred meaning of the poetry, instead of raising the Soul to God, holds it to itself and feeds more on beautiful flowers than on nourishing fruit.' Here, then, is the road indicated by Petrucci: 'read, therefore, O devoted Soul, these Rhymes, not so much to delight in them as to profit by them.' (Francesco Gatti, tr. Candace Smith. From the liner notes.)

"Giacomo Carissimi, son of Amico and Livia Prosperi, was baptised on 18th April 1605 in Marion Parish Church, near Rome. He started in Marino church as a clergyman, and studied music and singing with the local organist, supported by the ecclesiastical benefices of Grottaferrata Abbey. In 1623, when he was only eighteen, he was engaged as a member of the choir of Trivoli Cathedral, and his salary was one 'scudo' and fifty 'baiocchi' a month. There he came into contact with the latest musical movements through the maestri di cappella Briganti Colonna, Alessandro Capece and Francesco Mannelli. In 1627, Getulio Nardini and Vicario Apostolico of the Diocese of Assisi, appointed the twenty-year-old Giacomo Carissimi to the post of maestro di cappella in S. Rufino Cathedral, with the handsome annual salary of twenty 'scudos'. He stayed in the Umbrian town until December 1629, when he was summoned to Rome and given the dual role of maestro di cappella in S. Apollinaire church and teacher in the German College. Greatly admired and sought after by many a Prince, Carissimi never left Rome, and kept the appointmenets he was assigned to until his death on 12th January 1674, declining to succeed Monteverdi at St. Mark's in Venice or accept the post of Imperial Kapellmeister.

"Carissimi was an unassuming person of simple tastes, entirely dedicated to music, who reasily accepted the austere lifestyle that his post as a teacher at the German College imposed upon him. A teacher of 'Christian and exemplary morals, who would adapt to the way of life, and [to the] discipline of the College, and who would confess and take communion at least once a month in the College, if however he was [not] a priest, [who] would have to do so more often'. One of his commitments was to show the Rector all the compositions he wanted to publish, bearing the words 'Maestro di Cappella in S. Apollinare', so that he could make sure that they would not offend the dignity and reputation of the College. His manuscripts were also bound by Papal decree, which stopped his oratorios being performed during Mass, as it was the common practice to replace the antiphon, the gradual and the offertory with oratorios or motets similar to oratorios. This can be deduced from a letter sent from Paris by René Ouvrard to Claude Nicaise who was visiting Rome: '[...] two years ago, this Pope, prohibited stories set to music, not wanting anything to be sung in the church that was not word for word in the Holy Scriptures [...]' he goes on by saying that: '[...] two months ago [...] Signor Giacomo Carissimi could get permission to print the compositions he himself wrote'. Many of his works were unpublished and later countless other were lost when the Apollinaire archives were destroyed following the devastation caused by Napoleonic troops, who burnt all the existing autographs, so causing most of Carissimi's music to sink into oblivion. Numerous masterpieces by the composer are only known today because of the copies made by his students, which can be found in libraries all over Europe: this enabled one of the most authoratitive figures of the European music scene to come into his own.

"Whilst he was in Rome, Carissimi soon came into contact with the 'esercitii oratoriali' (oratorial exercises) in the form practised by the Compagnia de Crocifisso, in which the musical element was the Latin dialogical and concerted motets, with solo choral and solo parts, and pieces in recitative style, as observed by Maugras: 'The voices start with a psalm in the form of a motet, and then all the instrumentalists play and excellent symphony. After that the voices sing an episode from the Old Testament as a sacred drama. Then one of the most important preachers gives an exhortation, and this done, the day's gospel is sung, in which each singer represents a character in the story and expresses the force of the words perfectly.' Following the work already carried out by Emilio de'Cavalieri and Paolo Quagliata, Carissimi continued to develop the oratorio as a separate musical genre. As no autographs of the composer are extant, for the reasons already mentioned, we do not know what terminology Carissimi used for this new kind of music.

"Only seven of the Latin oratorios in a French manuscript are actually called Oratorios ('Judicium extremum', 'Diluvium universale', 'Judicium salomonis', 'Lamentatio damnatorum', 'Felicitas beatorum', 'Martyres' and 'Dives malus'), the others have been given the name 'oratorio' by present-day researches, but the original titles were 'historie' and 'historia o motet'. There is a considerable difference in opinion amongst musicologists as to the total number of Latin oratorios composed by Carissimi, as different criteria were applied to the term 'oratorio'. To evaluate Carissimi's part in the development of the oratorio, his great variet of sacred works should be considered, such as the short motets in dialogue form, the biblical 'stories', the lamentations, Latin cantatas and dialogues and the two-part oratorios. Not only does the length of the composition vary, but also the number of voices, how the dialogue and the narrative roles are assigned to the choir and soloists and the way choral episodes, recitatives, duets, terzettos, ariosos and instrumental pieces are distributed. Carissimi's contribution to this is less apparent in formal innovations than in the way he created an oratorial atmosphere, particularly by means of expressive processes in which biblical episodes are transformed into sacred epics, evidence above all of his otherworldly, impetuous and overwhelming faith.

"'The Oratorio Della Santissima Vergine': Only two of Carissimi's oratorios in the vernacular are extant: 'Daniele' and the 'Oratorio della Santissima Vergine'. Both of these works are essential to understanding early oratorios written in the vernacular. Neither of the dates of these compositions is known. The 'Oratorio della Santissima Vergine' is a contemplative work, in two parts. The only character indicated in the score is the Virgin (S), the other characters sing solo passages (A, T, B), duets (SS), trios (ATB), and choral pieces (SSATB). The instruments, two violins and basso continuo, play an opening symphony, some ritornellos and accompany the choral parts. The first part of the libretto brings to mind Francesco Balducci's 1642 version, whilst the second part is practically all original. Here the meditative-allegorical vision is transformed even to include the fight between the Virgin and Evil, called the 'serpent' or the 'monster'. When the Oratorio opens Maria's identity is revealed, dawn is rising and the new light turns the shores to gold. A voice (T) is heard singing 'Gran Donna appare', and asks 'Chi è costei' (who is she) and another voice replies 'Ella è Maria' (she is Maria) (A). When the figure of the Madonna has been revealed, a third voice (B) narrates the conflict between the Virgin and Evil: the Virgin defeats the 'monster' and goes on to plunder hell. In the second part jubilation is shown for the victory of good over evil and hymns are sung to the Virgin. The Oratorio ends, like all good sermons, with the choir offering a final metaphoric meditation, in the spirit of the Counter-Reformation: the night is not so dark that there will be no dawn; after the winter the fragrant spring adorns the fields with flowers. The dramatic circumstances are always expressed in a powerful and intriguing way, and there are vocal hints of madrigalism and the style of Monteverdi. The way the work is written, for the sinuous purity of its nature, the serene beatitude of the moods and the celestial transparency that imbues the whole - almost Botticellian - composition, suggest that this must have been an early work, particularly as this would coincide with the date Balducci wrote the text.

"'Jonas': The main character, Jonas, a prophet despite himself, is called by God to convert the people of Niniveh - a task which is too difficult for him. Jonas is frightened and hides in a ship leaving for Tharsis. God causes a terrible storm to hit the ship, as if to show how small human beings are in comparison to the Universe of God. The composer's innovative expressive flair now highlights the raging storm almost onomatopoeically, with the crashing of waves and the force of the wind. The frightened sailors pray to their gods to cause the storm to abate, and when questioned, the gods say that Jonas brought it about. The sailors then ask the Prophet to reveal himself, and when he wakes from a 'sapore grave' (deep sleep), he confesses that is was he that was the cause of the storm, so they hurl him into the sea, where a 'cetus grandis' (whale) swallows him up. The fury of the elements is thereby appeased. Jonas cries three times to God ('ignosce Domine') from the belly of the fish, and God forgives him, and orders the whale to release him so that the Prophet can go and carry out his mission amongst the people of Nineveh who, in the end are converted, and sing the marvellous 'Peccavimus Domine'. This final choral piece again shows Carissimi's versatile use of the choir to obtain expression, by means of a group character (the citizens of Nineveh), through a plurality of dialoguing voices. These oratorios, as in all the Roman composer's compositions, show Carissimi's immense ability to render text expressively, so much so that Kircher considered him superior to all other musicians 'at moving the souls of audiences to feel whatever emotion he intended', whilst other simply called him 'the musical orator'. (Paolo Pacini, tr. Priscilla Worsley. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Ensemble Legrenzi, Complesso Pro Musica Firenze

1.1. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: Sinfonia
1.2. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Io, Che Sono Un Core Umano'
1.3. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'O Mondo, O Piacere'
1.4. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'E Dunque Il Core Umano'
1.5. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Di Nuovo Rimbomba'
1.6. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Core Umano Non Temere'
1.7. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Cor Uman, Se Ti Miro'
1.8. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Dolce Prezzo! O Quanto, O Quanto'
1.9. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Cerca Monete, O Cor, Cha Sian Più Sode'
1.10. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Senti O Cor Non T'ingannare'
1.11. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Taci Piacer, Non Più, Tu M'incateni'
1.12. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Che Cosa È L'piacere?'
1.13. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Dico Anch'io Ch'è Verità'
1.14. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Saggia Senteza'
1.15. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Eh, Non Temer, Il Mondo Ascolta'
1.16. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Innalza Il Guardo A La Celeste Mole'
1.17. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'A Dirtela Schietta'
1.18. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Cauto Consiglio! Io Mi Vo'dare A Voi'
1.19. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Madrigale 'Ecco Viene Già Servo Il Core''
1.20. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: Sinfonia
1.21. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Soccorrete O Cieli Amici'
1.22. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Sento Che 'L Cor Umano'
1.23. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Un Sentiero Fiorito'
1.24. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'E Quai Cieli Invocar Puoi'
1.25. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Ahi Qual Gelido Orrore'
1.26. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Abissi Orribili'
1.27. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Maledico I Tuoi Iaceri'
1.28. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Questi Queruli Accenti, E 'L Grido Roco'
1.29. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'O Giesù Mio, Mio Redentor, Mia Vita'
1.30. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Discacciato Dal Mondo, A Dio Pretendi'
1.31. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'No Mio Dio, Ma Gira Il Ciglio'
1.32. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Chuidi L'indegne Invidiose Labbra'
1.33. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Dunque Al Cielo Alzerassi Un Cor Di Fango'
1.34. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Ma Tu, Ma Tu Rimira, O Core Ingrato'
1.35. Giovanni Legrenzi - Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Dunque Omai Rimirate, Umani Cori'
1.36. Giovanni Legrenzi -  Il Cuor Umano All'incanto: 'Madrigale 'Se V'offre Il Mondo''

2.1. Giacomo Carissimi - Oratorio Della SS Vergine: Sinfonia
2.2. Giacomo Carissimi - Oratorio Della SS Vergine: 'Io Dell'eterna Mente'
2.3. Giacomo Carissimi - Oratorio Della SS Vergine: 'Ecco Al Vento Le Bandiere'
2.4. Giacomo Carissimi - Oratorio Della SS Vergine: 'Taccia Betulla'
2.5. Giacomo Carissimi - Oratorio Della SS Vergine: 'Su Su Si Spogli Di Fiori Il Prato'
2.6. Giacomo Carissimi - Oratorio Della SS Vergine: 'Notte Mai Non E Si Nera'
2.7. Giacomo Carissimi - Jonas: Simphonia
2.8. Giacomo Carissimi - Jonas: 'Et Praeliabantur Venti'
2.9. Giacomo Carissimi - Jonas: 'Tulerunt Nautae Jonam'
2.10. Giacomo Carissimi - Jonas: 'Peccavimus, Domine'

Friday, 22 January 2021

Giacomo Carissimi - Jephte; Jonas


"Giacomo Carissimi began his professional career as cantor, organist and then 'maestro di cappella' in institutions near Rome such as the Cathedral of Tivoli or the Church of S. Rufino in Assisi. Towards the end of 1629 his career took an important leap as he took on the task in the heart of Rome as 'maestro di cappella' at the Jesuit 'Collegio Germanico Ungarico' with responsibility for the music of the church of Sant'Apollinare, which belonged to the German Seminary. He held this position until his death in 1674. From this highly prestigious position Carissimi won early fame throughout Europe, becoming one of the leading figures in the music of the seventeenth century.

"The obligations of 'maestro di cappella' at the College were divided between composition and the direction of all musical activities of the Seminary, and teaching. Many musicians of the time came to study with him directly, including the Frenchman Marc'Antoine Charpentier and the Germans Christoph Bernhard and Johann Kaspar Kerll, or indirectly, through the music itself, and learnt this new style of composition. It is owing to Carissimi that much of this traditional Italian style of composition was maintained throughout continental Europe for the entire seventeenth century.

"Carissimi's activity was not limited to the College only, but also included important appointments outside the Church, such as service as 'maestro della musica da camera' for Queen Christina of Sweden. He also collaborated with the Roman Oratories, particularly with San Marcello, the Oratorio del Santissiimo Crocifisso, for which it is quite probably that many of his oratorios were composed.

"There is little direct information concerning performances at the College or at the Santissimo Crocifisso, but written testimony survives that gives some idea and makes it clear that both institutions had ample means for musical performance. Francis Mortopf, a traveller passing through Rome some time in the 1650s, is recorded as describing the music performed at Santissimo Crocifisso [...] '...a music so sweet and harmonious which, once having left Rome, can never be hoped to be heard again on the face of the Earth. It was composed with at least twenty voices, organs, lute, viola and two volins, all of which were playing music so melodious and delicious that Cicero with all his eloquence would never have been able to describe it'.

"'Jephte' is perhaps the best known composition of Carissimi today. Together with 'Jonas', it is also one of the few for which chronological reference can be established, some time before 1649. The text is a free treatment of the Old Testament narrative ('Judges 11:28-38'), and is much fuller than original biblical text. The narration is entrusted to the 'Historicus', sung in various places by different voices. In addition to the paraphrasing of passages from the Vulgate, completely new texts provide dramatic moments.

"The oratorio can be divided into two major sections. The first of these describes Jephthah's victory over the Ammonites, and the other deals with the drama of the sacrifice of his child, to which Jephthah has sworn. In the first part the chorus interventions are among the numerous dramatic amplifications of the biblical narrative. Other details such as the introduction of the word 'ululantes' in the description of the conquered Ammonites, which is absent in the biblical passage, allow the composer to make used of the dramatic 'topos' of the lament. Of still greater effect is the separation between the celebration of Jephthah's victory and the introduction by the narrator of the idea of Jephthah's oath. The final part with the lament by Jephthah's daughter and the repeated chorus, is extremely effective.

"'Jonas' is probably more or less contemporary with 'Jephte'. Here there is an analogous situation as far as concerns the biblical source and the oratorio text. The Vulgate is largely followed in the narrative, without paraphrase, but again there are dramatic interpolations. This oratorio too can be divided into sections. The first follows the biblical adventures of Jonah ('Jonah 1:1-4') and the first interpolation is head in the chorus 'Et proeliabantur venti' (and the winds battled), which uses the technique of two separate choirs, effectively reflecting the storm which threatens the ship where Jonah is sleeping. The biblical text, however, only briefly mentions this episode. The second section is dedicated to the dialogue between Jonah and the sailors. Close to the original text, this is also expressed in dialogue. The sailors' interventions are varied, first a duet, then a chorus, and then alternation of solo voices from the choir. The third episode is made up entirely of Jonah's prayer to God from the belly of the whale ('Jonah 2'). The refrain 'Placare, Domine, ignosce, Domine, et miserere' (Forgive, Lord, and have mercy), strengthened with the presence of instrumental 'ritornelli', divides the long 'recitativo' into three different but equal sections. The conclusion condenses in just a few lines the whole of the third biblical chapter. The final chorus is in fact a 'mea culpa' of the Ninevites, which again is a free invention of the librettist.

"The catalogue of Carissimi's vast output is not made up only of sacred music and oratorios, but includes secular cantatas for various groups of performers. Consortium Carissimi presents a transcription of the serenade 'Dai (trai) più riposti abissi' (From the most hidden abysses), originally set for two sopranos, bass and basso continuo. Here it is offered with two tenor voices instead, making use of a common practice of the time, replacing higher register voices with tenors. The text is by Francesco Balducci (1579-1642) 'a greatly ingenious man, but haughty and too vague for adventure... easily lost for love and poetry, little lover fatigue [who] attempted to live off Princes and Cardinals' (Guido Pasquetti). Balducci is normally allowed an important position in the codification of the music genre of oratorio. He was also a poet, and frequented high Roman ecclesiastical and aristocratic circles. Balducci was particularly associated with the Barberinis. The serenade, therefore, in its choice of text and its connotations of Roman high society represents a fine example of Carissimi's extramural activity. From a musical point of view this piece demonstrates a structure quite typical of its genre in the early baroque period. Distinct musical sections correspond to the verses of the text, which make use of different techniques and styles, alternating between recitative, aria, ternary episodes and solo sections, dialogue, 'tutti' sections and instrumental 'ritornelli'. All of these aspect delightfully underscore the details of the text itself, admirably communicated in a dense language which at the same time reveals absolute technical and expressive transparency." (Angela Romagnoli, tr. Garrick Comeaux. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Consortium Carissimi

1. Historia Di Jephte: Historicus
2. Historia Di Jephte: Jephte
3. Historia Di Jephte: Coro A 6
4. Historia Di Jephte: Historicus A 2
5. Historia Di Jephte: Basso Solo
6. Historia Di Jephte: Coro A 6
7. Historia Di Jephte: Historicus
8. Historia Di Jephte: Historicus A 3
9. Historia Di Jephte: Historicus
10. Historia Di Jephte: Filia
11. Historia Di Jephte: Coro A 2
12. Historia Di Jephte: Filia
13. Historia Di Jephte: Coro A 6
14. Historia Di Jephte: Historicus
15. Historia Di Jephte: Jephte
16. Historia Di Jephte: Historicus A 4
17. Historia Di Jephte: Filia - Eco
18. Historia Di Jephte: Coro A 6
19. Dai Più Riposti Abissi
20. Historia Ionae: Symphonia
21. Historia Ionae: Historicus
22. Historia Ionae: Deus
23. Historia Ionae: Historicus
24. Historia Ionae: Historicus
25. Historia Ionae: Historicus A 8
26. Historia Ionae: Nautae A 3
27. Historia Ionae: Historicus
28. Historia Ionae: Gubernator Navis
29. Historia Ionae: Nautae A 2
30. Historia Ionae: Historicus
31. Historia Ionae: Nautae A 3
32. Historia Ionae: Ionas
33. Historia Ionae: Nautae A 3
34. Historia Ionae: Ionas
35. Historia Ionae: Historicus A 8
36. Historia Ionae: Historicus
37. Historia Ionae: Ionas
38. Historia Ionae: Historicus A 3
39. Historia Ionae: Historicus
40. Historia Ionae: Ninevitae A 8

André Grétry - L'amant Jaloux


"Late in the evening of 1 August 1752, a small band of peripatetic Italian musicians under the direction of Eustachio Bambini took to the stage at the Opéra in Paris after a long performance of Lully's 'Acis et Galatée'. They presented one of the works in their large repertoire of Italian 'intermezzi' - these were short comic works designed to be presented between the acts of other operas. Bambini decided that the intermezzo for that autumnal night was to be Pergolesi's 'La serva pardona'.

"It wasn't a hit. The gossipy newspaper the Mercure de France noted that this bizarre Italian work had some tunes that were really only to the taste of 'un petite nombre de connoisseurs'. But that 'small number' soon grew and suddenly, it seemed, everyone was talking about and debating the relative merits of French and Italian music. This was the so-called 'Querelle des Bouffons', as Bambini's troupe was popular known as the 'Bouffons', or buffoons.

"It was mainly a quarrel of letter - although it's true that guards often had to be posted in the 'parterre' (stalls) of the Opéra to control the crowd when things got a bit rough. Gossips, musicians, philosophers and wits all exchanged their views on which style was better: the noble French or the new upstart Italian. As in many culture wars, the debate took on a larger social and political significance. Liking Italian music generally coded to others that you were progressive and liberal, whereas a preference for French music meant that you were a conservative and enjoying the status quo. Hence a younger generation favoured the tunefulness of the Italians, whereas an older generation emphasised a rich and proud French musical heritage in which declamation, poetry and melodic precision were all equally valued.

"Many wondered if a new style of music might be possible which combined the best and most interesting elements of the two. Around 1765 a 'philosophe' remarked: 'We are just beginning to realise that our opera lacks the aria phrased in the Italian manner.' He confirmed that experiments by a 'well-known composer' were already bearing fruit and that 'when we do learn how to use this style intelligently [...] I predict that French opera will be superior to the Italian.'

"This 'well-known composer' was André-Ernest-Modeste Grétry, and it was Grétry who, more than any other operatic composer, really managed to unite Italiante vocality with French wordsmithery. Grétry did it by always going back to his roots which were also the roots of the Querelle itself. 'I analysed Pergolesi's music when I sought to develop my musical faculties', he wrote. 'Many have tried to write music in the Italian taste, but they have had no success because the prosody of the language was incorrect; I believe I have surmounted this point.'

"Grétry was born in Liège in 1741, which makes him a contemporary of Paisiello, Boccherini and Wanhal. He came from a family of musicians. In his early teens, in the years of the Querelle, he had witnessed a touring Italian intermezzo troupe much like Bambini's; their performances made a profound impression on him. Grétry studied in Rome in the 1760s, and in 1767 finally settled in Paris, where, as an ambition 26-year-old, he attempted to forge a career for himself as an opera composer.

"Things weren't easy in the hothouse environment of the Parisian opera scene, but Grétry, impressed with the work of composers active in the new-fangled 'opéra comique', decided that this genre was the perfect vehicle for his art. 'I had never seen 'opéra comique' before', he reminisced, 'I laughed, I cried!'

"After a string of failures, Grétry finally achieved fame and popularity in 1769. His memorably tuneful style and his intuitive gift for theatricality rapidly made him one of Europe's most popular composers. Marie Antoinette was so taken with him that, once she became Queen in 1774, she appointed him her personal director of music. His success was at its height in the mid-1780s and his international reputation was cemented with 'Richard Cœur-de-lion' (1784). He kept up with the style of the times and cannily survived the Revolution. Napoleon made him a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour in 1802 and also granted him a generous annual pension. He died rich and lauded in 1813.

"'L'Amant jaloux, ou Les Fausses Apparences' (The Jealous Lover, or False Appearances) was written in 1778, when Grétry was cresting the cusp of greatness. It was given first at Versailles in the presence of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette, and then opened in Paris at the Comédie-Italienne in December of the same year. It was an immediate success and was considered at the time to be a masterpiece of 'opéra comique'. Grétry himself spoke of it in his 'Mémoires' as one of his favourite works. The newspaper 'Les Mémoires secrets', which was loath to praise any production at the Comédie-Italienne, reported that the first performances enjoyed 'the greatest success for the poem and the music alike. The former is the genuine Spanish character, and it seems that the work is inspired by a comedy from that nation; while the latter is perfectly equal and worthy of the composer's genius.

"The librettist had fooled the correspondent. 'L'Amant jaloux' was actually based on one of the most popular works on the 18th-century English stage: Susanna Cenlivre's 'The Wonder: A Woman Keeps a Secret' (1714). The librettist was an Irishman, Thomas Hales, who went by the Frenchified name of Thomas D'Hèle. After various adventures as a soldier in Jamaica, D'Hèle ended up turning to the profession of author 'by necessity', as Grétry reminisced, for when he arrived in Paris he was penniless. The librettist and composer soon formed a strong and fruitful working relationship, and 'L'Amant jaloux' was their second collaboration. It held the stage from 1779 to 1821 for an astonishing 365 performances.

"The score of 'L'Amant jaloux' is one of Grétry's finest, and demonstrates the composer's extraordinary aptitude, elegance and acuity in effecting the marriage of French words and music. It is one of the first operas to develop what scholars have since called the 'functional recollection' of motifs. These created a web of associations between characters and scenes and contributed to a newly fashionable sense of organic unity and interconnectedness. For example, Lopez 'quotes' Jacinte's Act I aria 'Qu'une fille de quinze ans' back to her in a later scene, memorably painting a remarkably modern sense of irony. The loving duo between Léonore and Alonze at the close of Act II is repeated and transformed into a jealous spat by means of subtle but profound changes in accompaniment and delivery. Grétry uses national topics to paint the characters' backgrounds: he quotes the famous 'Folies d'Espagne' for the Spanish Lopez, and there is a 'temps de minuet' for the French Florival.

"Grétry later recalled that the spectacular aria for Léonore at the start of Act II was inserted purely to allow Marie-Jeanne Trial ('the finest voice ever formed by nature') 'a chance to shine'. In a similar spirit, we have inserted, as was the practice in the 18th century, the ariette 'Du moment qu'on aime' from Grétry's 'Zémire et Azor' for the character of Don Alonze in Act II. Also following 18th-century practice, we perform two contemporaneous instrumental works as entr'actes.

"Grétry was once asked how he went about writing his operas. 'Well, just as one writes poetry or paints a picture. I read, re-read twenty times the words I want to paint in sounds; it takes several days for my head to become heated: in the end I lose my appetite, my eyes get inflamed, the imagination rises, then I write an opera in three weeks or a month.' Apparently he liked his stimulants: he was addicted to snuff, which he took as he one-handedly composed at the harpsichord, and, like Mozart, he found his relaxation in the game of billiards. By all accounts he was a great wit and conversationalist and was a friend of 'philisophes' and musicians alike. As musicologist David Charlton remarks, 'It is hard to imagine the evolution of 'opéra comique', and Romantic opera in general, without the part played by his works.' Not for nothing was Grétry called' the Molière of Music'. (Erin Helyard, 2015. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Orchestra Of The Antipodes, Erin Helyard, Ed Lyon, Celeste Lazarenko, Andrew Goodwin, Alexandra Oomens, Jessica Aszodi, David Greco, Stephen Lalor, Melissa Farrow

1.1. Ouverture
1.2. Acte I: 'Qu'une Fille De Quinze Ans'
1.3. Acte I: 'Plus De Soeur! Plus De Frère!'
1.4. Acte I: 'Victime Infortunée'
1.5. Acte I: 'Plus D'égards, Plus De Prudence'
1.6. Johann Nepomuk Hummel - Mandolin Concerto In G Major, S28: II. Andante Con Variazioni
1.7. Acte II: 'Je Romps La Chaîne Qui M'engage'
1.8. Acte II: 'Le Mariage Est Une Envie'
1.9. Acte II: 'La Gloire Vous Appelle'
1.10. Acte II: 'Du Moment Qu'on Aime'
1.11. Acte II: 'D'abord, Amants Soumis Et Doux'
1.12. Acte II: 'Cruelle! De Ma Douleur Mortelle'
1.13. Acte II: 'Tandis Que Tout Sommeille'
1.14. Acte II: 'Jamais Le Coeur De Léonore'

2.1. Flute Concerto In C Major: I. Allegro
2.2. Flute Concerto In C Major: II. Larghetto
2.3. Flute Concerto In C Major: III. Allegro
2.4. Acte III: 'O Douce Nuit, Sous Ton Ombre Paisible'
2.5. Acte III: 'Je Sens Bien Que Votre Hommage'
2.6. Acte III: 'Seigneur, Sans Trop Être Indiscret'
2.7. Acte III: 'Prenez Pitié De Ma Douleur'

André Grétry - Andromaque


"Born in Liège, André-Ernest-Modeste Grétry (1741-1813) arrived in Paris in 1767, after spending several years in Italy. A first collaboration with Marmontel, 'Le Huron', brought him immediate success. The French queen was very fond of 'opéras-comiques', which gave Grétry an opportunity to seek a position at the royal court; he became harpsichord teacher to Marie-Antoinette. Between 1770 and 1780 he composed a series of masterpieces, which became well known throughout Europe. 1785 marked a turning-point in his career. From then on he gradually moved away from musical life and began to write his 'Mémoires'. After the Reign of Terror (1793-94), Grétry found his supporters again. He was appointed to the Institut de France in 1795, and was elected a Chevalier of the Légion d'honneur in 1803. Having retired to 'L'Ermitage' at Montmorency (formerly owned by Jean-Jacques Rousseau), he devoted much of his time to writing. Grétry tried his hand at all the musical genres, but it was in the 'opéra-comique' that he showed the greatest originality. Among his 'opéras-comiques' are 'Zémir & Azor', 'Richard Cœur de Lion', 'La fausse magie' and 'L'amant jaloux'. His religious music and instrumental compositions date from his stay in Italy. A 'ballet héroïque' entitled 'Céphale & Procris' (1773), his 'tragédie lyrique', 'Anromaque' (1780), and a number of pieces written during the Revolutionary period show the composer in a different light.

"Between 1774 and 1779, Gluck presented five new works in Paris, 'Iphigénie en Aulide', 'Orphée', 'Alceste', 'Armide' and 'Iphigénie en Tauride', bringing about important changes in French opera and opening the doors wide to Romanticism. Gluck's contemporary Grétry was regarded at that time as the leading composer of 'opéra comique', and no one expected to see a work by him, least of all a dramatic work, on stage at the Académie Royale de Musique, alias the Paris Opéra. His only experience in that field had been 'Céphale & Procris' in 1773, a 'ballet heroïque', which after a mixed reception had ultimately been a failure. Yet Grétry must have had potential in the tragic genre, for the libretto of 'Iphigénie en Tauride' had been intended for him, although it finally went to Gluck, much to his despair, making the two composers henceforth rivals at the Académie Royale. By way of compensation, however, Grétry was offered the even more ambitious challenge of providing the music for an opera based on one of Racine's most sombre tragedies, 'Andromaque'.

"The venturesome project came into being in somewhat exceptional circumstances. In the spring of 1778, the press reported unusual effervescence: 'The spectacle that is most likely to focus public attention this season will probably be at the Opéra, in relation either to the change of administration there, or to the new productions that are on the way' ('Journal de Paris', 23 April 1778).

"A small revolution was under way at the Académie Royale de Musique. For several weeks its new director, Anne-Pierre-Jacques de Vismes du Valgay (1745-1819), who had been appointed in October 1777 to succeed Pierre-Henri-Montan Berton, had been the talk of Paris. His arrival brought great changes within the institution. He immediately introduced drastic reforms, even in areas that were not normally the director's concern: he had the stage and orchestra pit enlarged and refurbished; seating for some of the audience was once again provided on stage; the great chandelier was removed; performance times were altered; women were forbidden to attend wearing high coiffes; and those were just some of them. And his artistic policy was just as radical. Amongst other things, he reformed the status of the artists, renewed some of the staff, revised author's fees, increased the number of weekly performances, and reoriented programme planning. Two months before his arrival, a new set of regulations (49 articles) was drawn up, defining the new director's rights, and reminding those employed by the Opéra not only of their duties, but also of the rules governing subordination. The tone was set. Although de Vismes was by no means lacking in ideas, diplomacy and flexibility were clearly not among his qualities. And so it was not long before he met with hostility from staff members and also from some members of the public. His term of office was marked by plots, scandals and arrests, providing a constant topic of conversation in the city. 'The extreme unrest that this quarrel has caused both in the city and at Court is unbelievable. Princes, ministers, duchesses, everyone takes an interest and participates; no one can be indifferent' ('Mémoires secrets', 15 March 1779). Thus, on 23 January of the following year, 1780, de Vismes, feeling that his post had become definitively too restrictive, handed in his resignation.

"Yet the general consensus was that 'there had never been so much variety in new operatic works' as there was in January 1779, when de Vismes achieved the hitherto unprecedented feat of presenting twelve different works within the space of just a few weeks. Paris was amazed to discover that 'it was as easy to to alternate serious operas as it was to alternate comedies' ('Mémoires secrets', 21 January 1779). The new director's main concern had been to achieve the greatest possible variety in every aspect - in time, space, style and form. Therein, he believed, lay the secret of success. Accordingly, at the very beginning of his office, in an address to the Opéra staff, he stated his intention of 'wecloming every genre and showing no partiality in choosing them'. That variety, 'offering each in turn spectacles that were to their liking' (La Borde, 'Essai sur la musique'), met with general approval, and thus de Vismes secured audience support. One of the spearheads of his policy was the revival of old works, which he set against the most modern productions: 'I intend to bring together works composed at very different times, so that the public in general will have the means of comparing and judging more accurately the progress that has been made in that art and each member of the public the possibility of enjoying the genre he prefers' ('Journal de Paris', 15 February 1779). A fine undertaking, aimed as much at the intelligence of the community as at the sensitivity of the individual, and almost as strong in its pedagogic content as in its true artistic value. In the early months of 1779 he was able, with pride, to make his first assessment: 'I have presented consecutively works by MM. Piccinni, Gluck, Philidor, Rameau, Paisiello, Anfossi and other; so all that is missing is a work by Lully, and what better choice could I have made than his opera Thésée, which has constantly enjoyed a fine reputation, and which the beauty of the text, the magnificence of the spectacle and the riches lavished on it by Quinault's imagination will make forever dear to the nation.' If the revival of early works was meant to satisgy a particularly section of the public, new operating and choreographic works were not neglected. Only three new works had been presented in 1777-78, whereas de Vismes' inaugural season scheduled sixteen, including several 'ballets pantomimes' and many Italian 'opere buffe'. His larger-scale projects, on the other hand, proved much more difficult to bring to fruition. During his first season, only one new three-act 'tragédie lyrique' was premièred in 1779, but Piccinni's was not presented at the Académie Royale until 1781. For a time the institution's repertoire was renewed by works commissioned from authors of international renown, such as Johann Christian Bach, Gossec and Philidor.

"So that was the context in which the 'Andromaque' project saw the light. In inviting Grétry to imagine Racine's tragedy as a 'tragédie lyrique', de Vismes was sure to arouse public curiosity and bring people flocking to the theatre. At a time when good librettos were becoming a rarity, he had the idea of reusing some of the old librettos by Fontenelle, Houdar and de La Motte, Fuselier and especially Quinault. Thus the season from 1770 to 1800 saw the staging of Piccinni's 'Roland' and 'Atys', Gluck's 'Armide', Johann Christian Bach's 'Amadis', Philidor's 'Persée', two version of 'Thésée', by Mondonville and Gossec, and Paisiello's 'Proserpine'. This wish to return to the models of the reign of Louis XIV led to the idea of transporting to opera of of the tragedies of Corneille and Racine, to which Grétry's 'Andromaque' is a perfect illustration, as are Sacchini's 'Le Cid', Salieri's 'Les Horaces', and even the two versions of 'Iphigénie en Tauride' by Gluck and Piccinni. More than any other, the choice of 'Andromaque' was very symbolical. Written in 1667, it was the tragedy that established Racine's reputation as a poet. Between 1667 and the Revolution, it was one of the most frequently performed plays in France. It was unquestionably one of the pillars that gave the national repertoire its identity. Transferring it from the dramatic stage to the operatic stage meant having to reconsider a whole set of parameters, since there was a considerable difference between the rules governing spoken (declaimed) tragedy, on the one hand, and the (sung) 'tragédie lyrique', on the other. Louis-Guillaume Pitra (1735-1818) was the poet who undertook the adaption of Racine's play. He justified the changes he had to make in a detailed foreword to the work:

"'In adapting this tragedy by Racine to the operatic stage, we had to sacrifice countless beauties, which we regretted as much as any person of good taste will do. We were aware more than anyone of the absurdity, the audacity even, of such an undertaking; but our sole aim was to serve the genius of an artist whose talents have so often been our delight, and everyone knows that the pace of an opera requires the cuts which we were obliged to make in the poetic text of the immortal Racine. We retained that great man's lines insofar as the division of the scenes and the form of the airs and the recitative permitted. Unfortunately, in the process of creating a plot that was appropriate for an opera, we frequently had to add other lines, which we blended in with his. We hope that the public, understanding the reasons, will forgive this kind of sacrilege.'

"What Grétry himself says supports the sincerity of his librettist's cautious word: 'Let it not be assumed that Pitra had the slightest pretension in creating this text; he touched Racine's lines only with respect, and because the music required cuts to be made. His desire to see me test my strength on a tragic subject was his reason for undertaking this work, which he brought to be as a bare framework still recquiring the attentions of a poet; but since he knew no one who could assume so formidable a task, I made him take the risks of doing so himself.' Despite Pitra's reorganisation of the text, 'Andromaque' retains Racine's superb versification and an elevated tone that was rare in opera at that time. The ever-present choruses, supporting the four main characters and commenting on, and sometimes participating in, the action, give the work a monumentality that Grétry brings out perfectly in his music, while showing his excellence as dramatist. Appropriating the language of Gluck, he succeeds even better than the latter in fitting together the various elements - airs, ensembles, choruses - to form a continuous discourse that was revolutionary for that time, heralding the operas composed much later by Spontini... or even Berlioz. Grétry wrote in his 'Mémoires': 'The text of 'Andromaque' demands a profound sensibility which the too energetic Gluck could not command. It was in the hope of being superior to him in that respect, and wholly persuaded that I was inferior to him in strength, that I undertook this work.'

"'Andromaque' is undoubtedly the work by Grétry that belongs the least to its own time, and indeed, it was sharply criticised for that reason. In his 'Correspondance littéraire', the ferocious critic La Harpe, disconcerted by the modernity of the work, noted that Grétry, who is 'so charming in 'opéras-comiques', and shows in the singing the grace and gentleness he learned in Italy, has left his habitual genre for that of Gluck, a desertion that is not to his advantage. In this work there is nothing but a shrill and tedious noise, and all the failings of Gluck without the presence of what redeems to some extent them, that is to say, expressive pieces and an understanding of theatrical effect. Indeed, this drama is as badly constructed as it could possibly be, and Racine's masterpiece is horribly disfigured.' Like many original or visionary works - Charpentier's 'Médée', for example, or Rameau's 'Hippolyte & Aricie', Berlioz's 'Les Troyens'... - 'Andromaque' came under fire from the critics at first. Was Grétry aware of his audacity? Presumably not, for in his 'Mémoires' he admitted that no work had cost him less trouble. He completed 'Andromaque' in thirty days, although 'contrary to my wont, I composed in the evening and wrote out the music the following morning. The author of the text, Pitra, was with me all the time. Constantly carried along by the beauty and pace of the action, I wrote it in one go. It has, perhaps, too much warmth, even in the music, and I advise those who have it performed not to hurry the movements.'

"The authors thus threw themselves wholeheartedly into the adventure. But when the time came to stage the work, the director of the Académie Royale, de Vismes, was again faced with problems. 'Andromaque''s genesis was chaotic and it came close to not being presented at all. The first rehearsals, in May 1778, were halted by a dispute with the Comédie Française, which helf the acting monopoly to the play and succeeded in having the performances banned. After many complications, the work nevertheless finally reached the stage in June 1780, by which time the director of the Académie was Antoine Dauvergne, who had succeeded de Visme's successor, Henri-Montan Berton, on the latter's sudden death a few weeks previously. However, the première, initially scheduled for the beginning of the season in April, had to be postponed, this time because Mademoiselle Levasseur, who singing the title role, had fallen ill. In a letter of 26 April 1781, Dauvergne wrote: 'My opinion is that 'Andromaque' should be given on Sunday, even if that means Madame Saint-Huberty taking the part, but I am told Monsieur Dauberval has declared that the ballets will not be ready. So the performance of the opera has had to be postponed.'

"The administrative context was more favourable by that time, but there was nevertheless continuing strife and some of those working for the institution, notably members of the corps de ballet, decided to air their long-standing grievances by being uncooperative and making as little effort as possible in the dances. In another letter of 2 April 1781, Dauvergne complained, though to no avail, to the royal court:

"'[The negligence of the 'sujets'] recently caused the failure of 'Castor [& Pollux]'; indeed, the fight, which used to be superb, and which made more than a small contribution in attracting the attention of a portion of the public, was detestable [...] and all the other ballets in that opera were likewise neglected; the whole audience expressed its dissatisfaction; and that is how all the other operas we have given this year have been treated; 'Andromaque', 'Alceste', 'Persée', 'Iphigénie', were likewise skimped, although there is very little dancing in them; now we include only a very few dancers in the corps de ballet for those pieces.'

"Indeed, 'Andromaque' had a mixed reception. It was criticised especially for its many choruses, which gave people the impression that they were listening to an oratorio rather than an opera. The ending was considered too tragic for the stage of the Académie Royale. And audiences were used to there being more 'divertissements' to provide relief: here they found few light choruses, not many dances, no virtuoso ariettes... Grétry and Pitra decided therefore to refashion the third and last act. Moving away from Racine's original, they explored the spectacular potention and musical possibilities of the final scene, making 'Andromaque' end this time on a happier note, with a wedding. A second series of performances, with the opera in its new form, was given in 1781, and this time its success was without reserve. But then a few weeks later a serious fire at the Opéra put an end to the triumph of 'Andromaque'. Most of the sets and costumes were destroyed and the work was never shown again in France.

"More than two centuries later, the music of 'Andromaque' may still seem surprising to us today. It is in fact totally symbolic - symbolic of a century of evolution in French opera, from its heyday under Louis XIV to its final radiance under Louis XVI. This 'tragédie lyrique' by Grétry is characterised above all by its lack of concession to imperatives of the drama; the music serves, underlies, comments on and extends the drama without ever impeding it. The 'divertissements', in which the few decorative ballets and choruses are found, are reduced to a minimum; perfectly integrated into the action, they never hold it up but, on the contrary, create 'suspense', heightening the seriousness of the scenes that follow.

"To create such a dramatic work meant having to ignore completely, in every respect, the aesthetic that had still been prevalent only ten years previously - that is to say, the aesthetic that had been valid throughout the career of Rameau and his contemporaries. At the same time the dramatic works imagined a century earlier by Lully and Quinault had gradually given way to a decorative style. Thus, Baron Grimm ('Encyclopédie', IV, p. 103) had noted that the dance, 'that artificial part, has even of late become the main element in opera'. And the great Marmontel, as forthright as ever in his views, had written in the 'Mercure de France' (July 1759, II, p. 94) that 'the moderns are degenerating; their taste for florid decoration, if one may say so, has spoiled all the emotion'. In the mid-eighteenth century, the 'Encyclopédie' (IV, p. 350) gave the following advice to potential opera librettists and composers:

"'[At the time of Lully] the three and a quarter hours of a performances included two and a half hours of recitative; today the latter must be replaced by 'divertissements', choruses, dramatic action, brilliant vocal pieces, etc. Otherwise tedium is assured, and failure of the opera is inevitable. Hence only about three-quarters of an hour of recitative is required; therefore an opera must be very differently structured nowadays compared to the works of Quinault.'

"The 'revolution' that Gluck brought about, first of all with 'Iphigénie en Aulide' (1774) and even more with 'Alceste' (1776) in particular, had enabled French opera to return to its origins, and maybe go back even further still, by bringing the new aesthetic of opera closer to that of the great plays of Corneille and Racine that used declamation. After a century of developments in the Baroque mould through the skills of Quinault, opera thus moved back in time, closer to its ancestor of the Classical period: spoken tragedy. The Gluck era paved the way therefore for the operas that were to flourish throughout the nineteenth century, the work of eminently Romantic authors. Grétry's 'Andromaque' stands at the crossroads, at the point where those different styles and issues meet. Viewed by turns with a Baroque, Classical or Romantic eye, its many facets shed new light on its composer." (Benoît Dratwicki, tr. Mary Pardoe. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Le Concert Spirituel; Hervé Niquet

1.1. Ouverture
1.2. Acte I, Scène I: 'Cessez De Répandre Des Larmes'
1.3. Acte I, Scène I: 'C'est Le Seul Espoir Qui Me Reste'
1.4. Acte I, Scène I: 'Si, Fidèle Au Noeud Qui L'engage'
1.5. Acte I, Scène II: Marche
1.6. Acte I, Scène II: 'Au Vainqueur Des Troyens'
1.7. Acte I, Scène II: 'De Tous Nos Rois Secondez La Colère'
1.8. Acte I, Scène II: 'Non, Non'/'Je Veux Défendre Et Le Fils Et La Mère'
1.9. Acte I, Scène II: 'Je Ne Fus Que Trop Implacable'
1.10. Acte I, Scène II: 'Je Defendrai Contre Eux Et Le Fils Et La Mère'
1.11. Acte I, Scène III: Marche
1.12. Acte I, Scène III: 'Je L'envoie, Je Le Sais, Aux Pieds De Sa Maîtresse'
1.13. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Où Portez-vous Vos Pas?'
1.14. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Ils Me Menacent De Leurs Armes'
1.15. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Triste, Captive, Importune À Moi-même'
1.16. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Votre Vainqueur Baigne De Larmes'
1.17. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Ah ! Dites-moi Seulement Que J'espère'
1.18. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Murs Sacrés ! Que N'a Pu Conserver Mon Hector'
1.19. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Cruelle!'
1.20. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Vous Le Voulez ? Hé Bien, Cruelle'
1.21. Acte I, Scène IV: 'Le Fils, Dans Ma Juste Colère'
1.22. Acte I, Scène V: 'Ah! C'en Est Fait, Cruelle!'
1.23. Acte I, Scène V: 'Je M'applaudis De Ma Victoire'
1.24. Acte I, Scène V: 'Qu'on Cherche Oreste, Amenez Hermione'
1.25. Acte I, Scène VI: 'Fille De Menélas, Oreste'
1.26. Acte I, Scène VI: 'J'oublie À Jamais L'ingrate'
1.27. Acte I, Scène VI: 'Dieux ! Que Cet Aveu Me Flatte'
1.28. Acte I, Scène VI: Marche

2.1. Acte II, Scène I: 'Modérez Ce Transport Jaloux'
2.2. Acte II, Scène II: 'Regnez A Jamais Dans Mon Ame'
2.3. Acte II, Scène II: 'Bientôt La Pompe Nuptiale'
2.4. Acte II, Scène III: 'Ne Fuyez Point Un Spectacle Si Doux!'
2.5. Acte II, Scène IV: 'Elle Fuit, La Cruelle, Et Se Rit De Mes Larmes'
2.6. Acte II, Scène IV: 'Chère Épouse, Dit-il, Je Te Laisse Ce Gage'
2.7. Acte II, Scène IV: 'Et Sa Mère Pourrait Supporter Son Trépas?'
2.8. Acte II, Scène V: 'Hâtons-nous Et Quittons Ce Rivage'
2.9. Acte II, Scène VI: 'Phoenix, Il Faut Aux Grecs Livrer Le Fils d'Hector'
2.10. Acte II, Scène VI: 'Hélas! Vous Pouvez, Sans Pitié'
2.11. Acte II, Scène VII: 'Laissez-moi Baigner De Mes Larmes'
2.12. Acte II, Scène VII: 'Je Ne Puis Resister À Ses Larmes'
2.13. Acte II, Scène VII: 'A Votre Fils, Je Servirai De Père'
2.14. Acte II, Scène VII: 'Ciel C'en Est Fait!'
2.15. Acte II, Scène VIII: 'C'est Pour L'hymen D'une Immortelle'
2.16. Acte II, Scène VIII: Gavotte
2.17. Acte II, Scène IX: 'C'en Est Fait! Le Parjure!'
2.18. Acte II, Scène IX: 'Va Lui Jurer La Foi Que Tu M'avais Jurée'
2.19. Acte II, Scène IX: 'Quoi! Preferer À La Fille D'un Roi'
2.20. Acte II, Scène X: 'Croirai-je Que Vos Yeux Sont Enfin Désarmés?'
2.21. Acte II, Scène X: 'Je Crois Tout'
2.22. Acte II, Scène X: 'Lâche! N'espère Plus Obtenir Ma Conquête!'
2.23. Acte II, Scène X: 'Il Ne Mourra Que De La Main D'Oreste'
2.24. Acte II, Scène X: 'Jurez De Venger Son Injure'
2.25. Acte III, Scène I: 'Ombre Chérie, Ombre Sacrée'
2.26. Acte III, Scène I: 'Reçois, Chère Ombre Que J'adore'
2.27. Acte III, Scène I: 'Vivez Pour Votre Fils Et Faites Son Bonheur'
2.28. Acte III, Scène II: 'Pyrrhus Vous Attend À L'autel'
2.29. Acte III, Scène III: 'Quel Spectacle Cruel!'
2.30. Acte III, Scène III: 'Bravons La Crainte Et Le Danger'
2.31. Acte III, Scène IV: 'Chantons, Celebrons L'hymenee'
2.32. Acte III, Scène IV: Gavotte
2.33. Acte III, Scène IV: Menuet
2.34. Acte III, Scène IV: Reprise De La Gavotte
2.35. Acte III, Scène IV: Marche
2.36. Acte III, Scène IV: 'Dieu D'Hymen, Que Sous Ton Empire'
2.37. Acte III, Scène IV: 'Andromaque, Régnez Sur Mon Peuple Et Sur Moi'
2.38. Acte III, Scène IV: Combat
2.39. Acte III, Scène V: 'Quels Cris Me Remplissent D'effroi?'
2.40. Acte III, Scène VI: 'Princesse, C'en Est Fait ! Votre Haine Est Servie'
2.41. Acte III, Scène VI: 'Barbare, Ne Voyais-tu Pas'
2.42. Acte III, Scène VII: 'Est-ce Hermione?'/'Et Que Viens-je D'entendre?'
2.43. Acte III, Scène VIII: 'Ô Fureur! Ô Funeste Sort!'
2.44. Acte III, Scène VIII: 'Sauvons-le De Sa Fureur!'
2.45. Acte III, Scène VIII: 'Filles D'enfer, Vos Mains Sont-elle Prêtes?'
2.46. Acte III, Scène VIII: 'Dieux Implacables, Dieux Vengeurs'

Veljo Tormis - Litany to Thunder


"This startling record begins with two sopranos and a gentle piano sounding for all the world like Enya singing Satie; two tracks later we have a hair-raising chorus and drum hurling curses upon iron (which makes the tools of work and war). It's all the work of Estonian composer Veljo Tormis, who uses simple, even primitive melodies and ancient folk poetry (perhaps too simple for some listeners, especially those who understand no Finnish or Estonian) with exciting, sometimes atonal but always accessible accompaniment for chorus and/or instruments. The results can be plaintive and calm or vigorous, even feral. The effect is rather like Orff's 'Carmina Burana' with less symphonic glamour but more musical substance. The most entertaining piece on the disc is 'The Bishop and the Pagan', which retells (in a way) the story of St. Henry, who was martyred on a frozen lake in 1158 by an angry peasant with an ax. An alto and two tenors sing a medieval Latin poem in praise of Henry to a very chantlike melody in parallel fifths; meanwhile, baritones and basses pound out (softly at first) an ancient Finnish lyric told from the peasant's point of view. (You can guess how things end up.) The highlight is when the Henry trio is reduced to a wordless on-pitch howling while the peasant's chant is at its strongest - followed by a surprisingly witty ending. Not coincidentally, the next piece on the record, 'Litany to Thunder', depicts the sacrifice of an ox to the god of thunder and rain. Frankly, it's terrifying." (Review by Matthew Westphal via Amazon. See here.)

"Ultimate recording. Deep concern for the fate of my tiny homeland, my people and our culture have keyed my creative work. I hope this CD succeeds in expressing those feelings." (Veljo Tormis. From his website.)

Performers: Eesti Filharmoonia Kammerkoor, Tõnu Kaljuste

1. How Can I Recognize My Home
2. Singing Aboard Ship
3. Curse Upon Iron
4. The Singer's Childhood
5. Songs Of The Ancient Sea
6. The Bishop And The Pagan
7. Litany To Thunder
8. The Lost Geese