Antonio Lotti; Johann Sebastian Bach - Missa Sapientiae; Magnificat

"According to a recently discovered source, Antonio Lotti was born not in Hanover, as had been presumed previously, but on 5 January 1667 in Venice. His parents - the 'sonatore' Matteo Lotti and Marina Gasparin, the daughter of a 'baracol' - married in 1662 in the Venetian church S. Marino, and it was also there that their son Antonio Lotti was baptized on 25 January 1667. Antonio Lotti spend the greater part of his life in the city on the lagoon, where he received his training from the Maestro di cappella of San Marco, Giovanni Legrenzi, and the local tenor and counterpoint teacher Lodovico Fuga. In 1689 Lotti himself was hired as a falsetto, and in 1702 also as second organist at San Marco. He occupied various positions in the chapel until in 1736 he was able to prevail in the competition for the coveted office of 'Maestro di cappella'. He occupied various positions in the chapel until in 1736 he was able to prevail in the competition for the coveted office of 'Maestro di cappella'. He held his post until his death in Venice on 5 January 1640. Lotti wrote numerous sacred music compositions for San Marco and for other institutions such as the ospedali, the orphanages that were famous for the well-grounded musical education of their pupils. At the same time, with nearly twenty successful stage works, Lotti was considered as one of the leading representative of Venetian opera, and it was above all this reputation that led in 1717 to an invitation to Dresden by the Prince Elector of Saxony, Friedrich August. Lotti spent about two years, with his opera troop at the Saxon court, until the conclusion of the festivities in honor of the marriage of Friedrich August and Princess Maria Josepha of Hapsburg in 1719. Five large-scale stage works were written during this time. The Italian musicians also occasionally performed in the court church, and a number of sacred works by Lotti have survived in the Saxon State Library: Masses and individual Mass movements, a requiem, and various psalm settings. In terms of style and because of the high quality of their performance, Lotti's church music compositions were perceived by his contemporaries as being novel. In a report by the Dresden Jesuits, for example, it is written:

"'In a manner completely new here the Italian musicians, who were sent by his Highness the Prince Elector from Venice to Dresden, brought our church to life when they [...] embellished a High Mass, which lasted almost three hours, with such admirable artistic skill both in terms of the voices as well as the instruments, such as one has never before heard in Dresden.'

"Even outside Dresden these performances did not remain unnoticed. Johann Sebastian Bach's predecessor in the position of Thomaskantor, Johann Kuhnau, pointed out Lotti's exemplary stylistic separation of opera and church music, and praised the 'admirable gravity, strong and perfect harmony and art, in addition to the exceptional charm' of Lotti's work which he had heard in the Dresden court church.

"As far as we can see, Lotti seems in later years to have written works above all in the old church style originating from Palestrina. Perhaps with Lotti in mind, the Dresden Kapellmeister Johann David Heinichen sarcastically remarked in the foreword to his 'Generalbaß in der Composition' ('Thorough bass in Composition'): 'I have observed in other places various notable examples, that when formerly renowned theater composers in their old age had lost all their fire and inventiveness, they then finally started to become good church composers and, contrary to their former habit, to work hard on counterpoint. One could deduce various things from this.'

"Soon after Lotti's death his church music, like that of most of his contemporaries, began to disappear from the repertoire. Only in Venice were a few of his stile-antico compositions, which were less tied to a particular period, still occasionally still performed into the early nineteenth century. Thus, in 1770 Charles Burney, the writer on music who toured in Italy and France, heard in the Venetian church of San Giovanni e Poulo 'a mass sung in four parts, without other instrument than the organ. [...] The composition [...] consisting of fugues and imitations in the stile of our best old church services. [...] Upon the whole this seems to be the true stile for the church: it calls to memory nothing vulgar, light, or prophane [sic]; it disposed the mind to philanthropy, and divests it of its gross and sensual passions.'

"Burney's report marks a turning point in the history of Lotti reception: Had Lotti struck the right note for the ears of his contemporaries with his works in concertante style, the music historiography emerging toward the end of the eighteenth century saw in him above all a representative of stile-antico composition, a view that especially in Germany continued to be propagated in the early years of the nineteenth century. A central role was played by the rediscovery and publication of an eight-part 'Crucifixus' by the prominent music theorist Adolf Bernhard Marx in the 'Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung' in 1819. Marx combined the publication of the work with the intention, proposed in a manifesto-like manner, of promoting along with Lotti's easily accessible 'Crucifixus' the acceptance of stile-antico compositions, after previously published works in this genre by Palestrina, Sarti, and Fux had not been particularly well received with the public. The publication received great attention, as a result of which musical historiography, which often displays a tendency toward typification and quick historical classification, for a long time failed to take notice of a substantial part of Lotti's sacred music œuvre. Accordingly, the most extensive edition of selected works up to now, which appeared in 1930 in the series 'Denkmäler Deutscher Tonkunst', contains works exclusively in the old style.

"Since to the present day the full breadth of Antonio Lotti's sacred music has hardly been explored in its full breadth, and in particular a catalogue of his works is lacking, the context and date of origin of the 'Missa Sapientiae' lie in obscurity. Yet the work, accompanied by independent instrumental parts and fashioned in the modern sacred-music style appears to have been quite well known by Lotti's contemporaries, as shown by the wide dissemination of preserved sources and the unusual fact that prominent composers such as George Frideric Handel, Jan Dismas Zelenka, and Johann Sebastian Bach owned copies of this Mass.

"George Frideric Handel, who probably knew Lotti personally from his time in Venice and from a sojourn in Dresden, copied the Mass incompletely and without the text, as is the case in almost all his copies of works by other composers. In this way, Handel collected a store of so-called borrowing material from which he could take rhythmic models, thematic ideas or even whole sections of movements for his own compositions. Indeed, many fruits of this collecting activity can be found in his works. For example, the chorus 'Blest be the hand' ('Theodora', HWV 68) clearly comes from the 'Domine Deus', 'Agnus Dei', and the instrumental sections in the chorus 'Virtue will place thee' ('The Choice of Hercules', HWV 69) is taken from the 'Gloria in excelsis'. One could list further examples, including some in 'Jephta' (HWV 70).

"In contrast to Handel, Jan Dismas Zelenka, whose official duties in Dresden included the procurement of musical repertoire for the Catholic court church, copied Lotti's Mass ca. 1730 for performance purposes. In so doing, he adapted the work to the usage in Dresden in that he provided for a more colorful wind instrumentation. Thus, for example, he strengthened the string tutti over longer stretches with oboes, added a group of woodwinds to the interplay of the high strings and continuo in the 'Laudamus te', and transformed the oboe part into a trumpet part in the 'Gloria in excelsis'. The name 'Missa Sapientiae' also originates with Zelenka, who gave Mass compositions by other composers nicknames of this sort, apparently to be able to tell them apart more easily. Strictly speaking, the name 'Missa Sapientiae' therefore refers not to Lotti's original work, but to Zelenka's Dresden version of it, which is also to be heard on this recording.

"At the beginning of the 1730s, Johann Sebastian Bach, who like Zelenka had a large music library at his disposal, started collecting Latin sacred music by Italian composers. While doing so, he selected works of older masters as well as those of his own contemporaries, among these Lotti's 'Missa Sapientiae'. This copy of the Mass traces directly back to Zelenka's version, and was made in part by Bach, in part by a scribe. Whether Bach performed the 'Missa Sapientiae' in Leipzig is not known, at least no set of parts has been preserved. Moreover, the use in the 'Gloria in excelsis' of a variant of the eighth psalm tone not usual in the Protestant north may speak against a performance of the work in Leipzig. The reason for Bach's increased interest in Latin church music was his own productions of Masses which began at this time. They commenced with a 'Missa in B Minor' consisting of a 'Kyrie' and 'Gloria' - dedicated by Bach in Juli 1733 to the new Prince Elector of Saxony and Polish King Friedrich August II in the hope of acquiring a position at the Dresden court and future commissions. In later years, the Mass was completed to become the famous, large 'B-Minor Mass'.

"Lotti's 'Missa Sapientiae' was probably of interest to Bach in various respects: Lotti, as is generally known, numbered among the composers of whom the prince elector was particularly fond, and the Mass offered an opportunity to study a typical example of the Venetian tonal language. Moreover, the 'Missa Sapientiae' came quite close to the intended dimensions of the 'Missa in B Minor': In spite of the limitation to the 'Kyrie' and 'Gloria', both works call for a large instrumental ensemble, and the choir is expanded from four to five or six voices in individual passages. The division of the movements are similar in many respects, even if the 'Domine Deus' in Lotti is divided into three individual movements. In the first of these individual movements, 'Domine Deus, Rex coelestis', a violin (or alternately a flute in Zelenka's version) and a muted oboe concertize alongside the solo soprano, and are thus at least atmospherically reminiscent of Bach's corresponding setting. A conspicuous analogy in the instrumentation is found in the 'Quoniam tu solus', which in both cases features a soloistic brass instrument. Completely different from the 'Missa Sapientiae', Bach allows the 'Qui tollis' to develop in flowing transition out of the 'Domine Deus', whereas Lotti sets a clear caesura at the end of the 'Domine Deus', 'Agnus Dei' with a concluding fugue. Lottis link the following movements 'Qui tollis' and 'Qui sedes' in that he musically fashions the analogous text 'miserere nobis' nearly identically, and only a crass harmonic tension of the first section is not taken up again later. The choral writing of the 'miserere nobis' section is enveloped by the instruments in a delicate, typically Venetian carpet of sound that Bach unmistakably echos in the 'Crucifixus' of the 'B-Minor Mass'." (Thomas Krümpelmann. From the liner notes.)

"When Johann Sebastian Bach submitted his application for the position of Kantor at Leipzig's Thomaskirche, he already must have sensed that there was a considerable discrepancy between the supposed and the real performing ability of the choir of St. Thomas'. Indeed, Bach saw himself forced to strengthen the choir parts with trombones in his two audition pieces, the cantatas BWV 22 and 23. It can be assumed that this was due not to reasons of timbre, but primarily to insecurities in the performance. The abilities of the municipal musicians, too, were far from adequate, something that Bach realized only with time. After assuming his office at the end of May 1723, Bach went to work with great élan; perhaps he wanted to prove himself to those critics who viewed his appointment with skepticism. Almost all the works of his first year's cycle of cantatas are distinguished by their exceptional difficulty in comparison to the compositions of his predecessor Johann Kuhnae and those of his two co-candidate Georg Philipp Telemann and Christoph Graupner, who had been favored by the town council.

"Among the festive compositions of the year 1723, the 'Magnificat' occupies an outstanding position. For a long time, it was thought that the work was composed for Christmas 1723, since the score of the work, originally in E-flat Major, contains four interpolated Christmas movements. However, examination of the autograph score shows that the movements related to Christmas were later additions. It would seem obvious that the performance on 25 December 1723 was not the first; yet, since the composition was written in Leipzig - unequivocally proven by the paper of the score - it follows that the E-flat Major Magnificat, BWV 243a, was intended for the feast of the Visitation on 2 July 1723. On this day, which was solemnly celebrated in Leipzig - like the feast of the Purification on 2 February and the feast of the Annunciation on 25 March - the reading is song of praise to Mary from the Gospel of St. Luke; the work was not intended for the main church service, but rather for the vespers service in which the 'Magnificat' could be performed in Latin. This feast, five weeks after his assumption of office, was Bach's first chance to demonstrate his special talents - and the new Thomaskantor did not pass up the opportunity. Instead of the usual four-part vocal setting, the choral movements have been expanded to five parts; Bach found models for this in the library of the Thomasschule, since his predecessors Johann Schelle and Johann Kuhnau likewise preferred five-part writing with three high voices for festive compositions. It remains uncertain, though, how Bach was able to conceal the dearth of capable sopranos among the pupils of the Thomasschule.

"The biblical song of praise to Mary is - as in numerous other compositions of the time - broken down into its individual statements, which are set as chorale movements and arias. Unusual in Bach's way of treating the text is at all events the splitting off of the concluding words 'omnes generationes' in the 'Quia respexit', and their assignment to the choir. In this manner Bach emphasizes the generations who praise Mary. In spite of the brevity of the sentence fragment, he creates a choral section important for the balance of the work. The choice of text means that none of the arias are in the otherwise still pre-dominant da-capo form. Contrasts are achieved through the choice of new, closely related keys, various compositional techniques, and a varied instrumentation. The unity of the work is established by the use of the music of the opening chorus again for the doxology, the song of praise to God.

"By virtue of an old Leipzig tradition, which can be traced back to the beginning of the seventeenth century, the 'Magnificat', the song of praise to Mary, could be extended on Christmas by inserted movements related to the feast. In comparison to the better-known D-Major version, which recent research has shown to have been first performed on 2 July 1733, the E-flat Major version sounds fresher and, particularly in the trumpet parts, more radical, although at the expense of extreme technical demands. Perhaps the Leipzig town musicians or their superior had told the Cöthen court Kapellmeister, 'who at the beginning could not reconcile himself with the transition from Kapellmeister to Kantor', that they could play anything. Several years later Bach expressed himself about their abilities with great reservation: In the 'Entwurff einer wohlbestallten Kirchen Music' ('Plan for a well-appointed church music') of August 1730 it is tersely stated that decency prohibits him 'however from reporting anything approaching the truth about their qualities and musical skills.'

"The high range of the vocal parts, which was typical of Bach's Cöthen works, also seems to have caused problems at the performances in Leipzig. It is conceivable that Bach therefore had in mind a considerably lower pitch than was usual in Leipzig. The so-called French chamber pitch [...] is a whole tone lower than today's normal pitch and a semitone lower than the pitch usual during Bach's time [...]. The lower pitch adopted for the recording lends the strings and winds a more mellow timbre, which underscores the individual chracter of the E-flat Major version.

"In Bach's time, the pitch level was not standardized, and could therefore be chosen as required. As a result, the organ, which is fixed at a specific pitch level, had to transpose; and with many wind instruments there were several idiosyncracies that had to be taken into consideration, which could explain some of the differences in the instrumentation of the two versions. The revision of this work, which Bach undertook during the period of national mourning after the death of August the Strong, was intended to make the piece easier to perform by means of the transposition from E-flat to D Major, and above all with the simplification of the demanding and, when played on natural trumpets in E-flat, exceedingly difficult trumpet parts. Nevertheless, this revision resulted in a repertoire work no less brilliant." (Ulrich Leisinger, tr. Howard Weiner. From the liner notes.)

Performer: Balthasar-Neumann-Ensemble, Balthasar-Neumann-Chor, Thomas Hengelbrock

1. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Kyrie. Kyrie Eleison

2. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Kyrie. Christe Eleison

3. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Kyrie. Kyrie Eleison

4. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Gloria. Gloria In Excelsis

5. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Gloria. Laudamus Te

6. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Gloria. Gratias Agimus Tibi

7. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Gloria. Domine Deus, Rex Coelestis

8. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Gloria. Domine Fili

9. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Gloria. Domine Deus, Agnus Dei

10. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Gloria. Qui Tollis Peccata Mundi

11. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Gloria. Qui Sedes

12. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Gloria. Quoniam Tu Solus Sanctus

13. Antonio Lotti - Missa Sapientiae: Gloria. Cum Sancto Spiritu

14. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Magnificat Anima Mea

15. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Et Exultavit

16. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Von Himmel Hoch

17. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Quia Respexit

18. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Omnes Generationes

19. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Quia Fecit

20. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Freut Euch Und Jubiliert

21. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Et Misericordia Eius

22. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Fecit Potentiam

23. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Gloria In Excelsis

24. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Deposuit Potentes

25. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Esurientes Implevit

26. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Virga Jesse Floruit

27. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Suscepit Israel

28. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Sicut Locutus Est

29. Johann Sebastian Bach - Magnificat, BWV 243a: Gloria Patri Et Filio

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Ludwig August Lebrun; Carl Ditters von Dittersdorf; Antonio Salieri - Oboe Concertos

"Antonio Salieri, a pupil and friend of Gluck, has been well-nigh deliberately avoided by musical scholarship up to the present day. He was, however, an extremely accomplished composer of vocal music, who said of himself with excessive modesty that he had little skill in instrumental music and had for that reason written little of it. He wrote one triple concerto, dated 1770 on the autograph. The notation follows an old-fashioned practice, allowing for variability in the ensemble available to play the work: the solo parts are written out on staves between the bass and the strings, and the parts of the oboes and the kettle-drum - which is required only as a reinforcement in 'forte' passages - are written on separate sheets, signifying that they could be dispensed with.

"The first subject of the opening movement is given to the solo violin. With its somewhat inflexible head-motif (a Baroque descending fourt) and the convoluted figuration that it leads into, it sounds as if it originated in a 'fugato'. The imitative entries of the oboe and cello reinforce that impression. Traces of polyphonic thinking persist even in the tutti entry, in which the head-motif is involved in something like a fugal 'stretto'. The pregnant opening theme of the second movement, Cantabile, is stamped unmistakably by the prevalance of suspensions in the melodic material (feminine cadences) typical of early Classicism. This ternary movement has an extensive recapitulation which makes way for the 'terzettino' with a generous cadence. In the last movement (Andantino), an ebullient theme and seven variations, the separate soloists have the chance to show off a variety of style of playing a ornamentation. The last variation (tutti and concertino) is twice as long as the others and also has a coda.

"Carl Ditters von Dittersdorf was a violinist by vocation, but he owes his place in history to the German 'Singspiele' he wrote. In his richly anecdotal autobiography he refers to two oboe concertos commissioned in 1757 by the Count of Breda for his 'virtuoso oboists', although, as it turned out, Dittersdorf wrote only one of them. In their catalogue supplement of 1775 the publishers Breitkopf and Härtel list three oboe concertos, but none of them can be identified with the G major concerto.

"In the opening movement, the motto-like head-motif is diverted once into the sub-dominant and later freely elaborated by the solo oboist. The task of the soloist is ornamentation and variation, rather than 'working out' in the modern sense. The playful second subject, in the dominant, is given to the oboe exclusively. In the middle section - it cannot be called a 'development' - the soloist again embarks on a subject in the dominant which is also eschewed by the tutti. The conventional thematic separation of soloist and tutti is thus still in evidence.

"In the Adagio Dittersdorf succeeds in introducing a Romantic atmosphere, by effects of instrumentation. The third movement can be described as a free concerto movement in several sections, with a multiplicity of themes. The soloist takes over the vigorous first subject from the tutti, at first repeating it note for note, but then develops it freely and leads into the dominant. Having arrived there, the soloist is given two new subjects which the tutti answers with a theme of its own. New motivic material is added during the course of the multiple exchange between soloist and tutti, until the first subject reasserts itself towards the end and establishes the concluding tonality.

"Ludwig August Lebrun was a member of the Mannheim orchestra from 1764 until his death and was regarded as one of the leading oboists of his day. His compositions - ballets, concertos and a variety of chamber works - testify to the high standards of the musical training of orchestral players of that period. His reputation was spread throughout the cultural centres of Europe by the many tours he undertook. Lebrun 'enchants 'le tout Paris' with his divine oboe', the critic Schubart enthused in 1775.

"We possess quite a number of oboe concertos by Lebrun. The D minor concerto probably dates from the mid-1770s. The opening movement already typifies the modern Mannheim concerto style with an extensive double exposition, although the soloist's part still allows free development after the first period. The attractive F major subject is introduced without a caesura by the oboe; transposed into the tonic minor it establishes itself as second subject in the recapitulation. The middle section can be described as a 'development' in the later sense, because the first subject, but not the second, is motivically elaborated. Its appearance in E-flat major creates at first the illusion of a recapitulation, but the real recapitulation is not reached until the return to D minor has been effected. The final section is dominated by virtuoso figuration.

"Lebrun wrote a solemn theme of remarkable richness for the Grazioso of the second movement. The soloist dominates the ternary movement for almost the whole of its extent, and exchange with the tutti are reduced to only a few bars.

"The last movement begins in careless rapture, with a theme constructed by sequential repetition. It soon reveals itself as an exemplary Mannheim rondo. The third of the soloists three pregnant couplets alludes to the triple rhythm of the Moravian dance called the Hanacca. The last refrain is extended in a manner that, after a reticent but structurally important 'ritardando', allows an extra refrain to be added. The concerto is an impressive work, and reveals Lebrun as a technically competent composer and one of the progressives of the time, who anticipated the cyclical formal integration of the Classical age." (Heinz Becker, tr. Mary Whittall. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Camerata Bern, Thomas Füri, Heinz Holliger

1. Ludwig August Lebrun - Oboe Concerto In D Minor: I. Allegro

2. Ludwig August Lebrun - Oboe Concerto In D Minor: II. Grazioso

3. Ludwig August Lebrun - Oboe Concerto In D Minor: III. Allegro

4. Carl Ditters von Dittersdorf - Oboe Concerto In G Major: I. Maestoso

5. Carl Ditters von Dittersdorf - Oboe Concerto In G Major: II. Adagio

6. Carl Ditters von Dittersdorf - Oboe Concerto In G Major: III. Allegro

7. Antonio Salieri - Triple Concerto In D Major: I. Allegro

8. Antonio Salieri - Triple Concerto In D Major: II. Cantabile

9. Antonio Salieri - Triple Concerto In D Major: III. Andantino

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Giacinto Scelsi - Complete Works for Flute & Clarinet

"Receiving an education appropriate to his noble birth, he displayed from childhood an exceptional musical sensibility but had no professional training, learning only the rudiments of traditional harmony from Giacinto Sallustio. Lengthy periods abroad kept him from any direct influence of Italian music between the wars; his wanderings took him to Geneve, where he studied under Egon Koehler (a musician whose ideas related to those of Scriabin, and who thus provided Scelsi with a most congenial apprenticeship), and to Vienna, where he worked on 12-note serial technique with Walter Klein (1935-36). In 1951 he settled in Rome, where chiefly as a member of the 'Nuova Consonanza' association, he organized concerts of contemporary music. He wrote a number of musical-philosophical essays - mostly unpublished, except for those contributed in 1943-45 to 'La Suisse contemporaine' - and three collections of poetry in French, published in Paris in 1949, 1954 and 1962.

"Since music is, for Scelsi, an intuitive link with the transcendental and involves the annulment of creative individuality (like in Asia's religions), the countless changes in style contributing to the non-professional features of his vast output should be regarded as pure phenomena, which merely embody a spiritual process substantially unchanging.

"To explore another -third- dimension - the depth of sound (in contrast to the other two dimensions pitch and duration) Scelsi wrote several pieces for wind-instruments (1953-58): 'Quays' and 'Pwyll' for flute, 'Preghiera per un ombra', 'Tre studi' and 'Ixor' for clarinet, 'Tre pezzi' for the instruments: trumpet, saxophone, horn as well as trombone.

"By the 1950s, as outwardly instanced in his abandonment of conventional for exotic or esoteric titles, Scelsi turned increasingly towards the asceticism of eastern art. Technically this involved a significant modification of the unrelieved motivic procedures previously characterizing his music. Such a modification reached an extreme point in the intriguing 'Quattro pezzi (su una nota sola)' for orchestra (1959) as well as in 'Ko-Lho' for flute & clarinet (1966), each piece being based on a single note held throughout, with attention focused on its smallest variations of rhythm, dynamics or pitch in a manner that suggests comparison with meditative practice.

"Moreover, the micro-intervallic writing so poignantly exploited in these works - and further developed, chiefly in compositions for strings, such as his last three quartets, 'Xnoybis', 'L'âme ouverte' - gave way to that inclusion of sound material outside the tempered system which in due led him to make use even of clusters ('Action music' for piano) and 'musique concrète' ('Prânam I' for voice, 12 instruments and tape). Not until the 80s people became occupied with his work especially in Germany where he gained nearly cultic adoration - in contrast to his homeland Italy where only radical circles supported his music. The interest of foreign composers such as Ligeti, Feldman and Nono ended his lifelong isolation.

"'Piccola Suite' (1953). This piece is not a fusion of the sonority of the two instruments as in 'Ko-Lho' but a highly virtuoso (1st and 3rd movement) combination of two independent solo parts based on Scelsi's principle of variations (see also 'Pwyll'). Despite this independence, the audience experiences the development of a true dialogue in a fascinating manner. The pastoral final movement is perhaps the most reminiscent of a suite: traditionally written as a melody with accompaniment, it has a very calming effect after the agitating music of the preceding movements.

"'Quays' was written in 1953. It is possible to perform 'Quays' with either the alto or normal flute. Both versions have been authorized by the composer. On this recording I choose the version with the normal flute because of its brightness in ornamental passages.

"The main compositional idea involves the 'principle of central tones', in this case the notes B, C, and D are used (in all octaves). 'Quays' can be divided into several sections. The slow, calm beginning is soon followed by a more active and dramatic middle section.

"'Preghiera per un'ombra' (1954) ('Prayer for a Shadow'). The unusually concrete title describes the situation of the musician playing this piece: driven by the heat of the music, to the limits of what is technically possible. The work lives from rapid changes in register, creating at times the effect of a polyphonic piece.

"'Pwyll', composed in 1954 for flute, is closely connected to Scelsi's piano compositions, especially to his 'Suite No. 10, Ka'. It is based on Scelsi's technique of variation. The insistent repetition of a single tone figure is not to be confused with stereotype repetition; it is above all the new creation, translation, revelation, of a previously hidden dimension.

"'Tre studi' (1954) is a well-rounded cycle of three pieces written for the E-flat clarinet. Scelsi consciously abstains from using the extreme range of the E-flat clarinet so as to achieve a greater flexibility in sonority. The lively first movement is characterized by large leaps of upward-moving intervals. The second movement shows clear references to the first movement but the narrow tonal range is further differentiated by quarter-tones and glissandi and intensified by an exceedingly virtuoso middle section. The very spirited third movement is a synthesis of the two other movements; it swings between calm and, in contrast to the first movement - a more agitated movement, which also integrates the quarter-tones and the glissandi of the second movement.

"'Rucke di guck' (1957). Similar in its conception to the 'Piccola Suite' (except for the last movement), Scelsi intensifies the virtuoso character and sharpness of the music by using the piccolo flute and oboe (here in a recording with piccolo flute and E-flat clarinet), pushing the musicians to the limits of what is technically possible.

"In addition to the orchestral piece 'Quattro pezzi', 'Ko-Lho' (1966) indisputably marks the pinnacle of Scelsi's career. The work is a synthesis of early working methods and his new orientation toward microtonality. Despite its calm, flowing character it is chracterized by an extremely differentiated rhythm that Scelsi gradually abandons in favour of a complex sonority, which he achieves with microtonality and an emphasis on shaping the individual tone (crescendi, vibrati, glissandi, tremoli).

"In 'Xnoybis' (1964) this development becomes quite clear. The first movement contains rhythmic subtleties similar to 'Ko-Lho'. The second movement has a flowing quality; instead of whole-tone trills Scelsi introduces quarter-tone tremoli in a rhythmic pattern. The tonal range of the third movement is limited, ranging only from C' to F''. Here Scelsi replaces the quarter-tone tremoli with tremoli and vibrati of different timbres.

"In 'L'âme ailée' (1974) a further step is taken in this direction. Scelsi once again restricts the register of the instruments, eliminates the rhythmic details (there is now only a pulsating quarter beat), and further reduces the tonal range to that of just one second.

"The small tonal tange, the lengthening of time values, as well as the variability in the dynamics create an effect of force and counterforce. This development of space within the passage of time is related to alap, the slow introduction of Indian ragas.

"'L'âme ouverte' (1974) is even more radical. The player is instructed to count the beats created between two neighbouring tones! In pure physical terms, however, this contradicts Scelsi's use of quarter and eighth tones. In our recording we have chosen to play a version with audible beats.

"A few words about the arrangement of the work 'Xnoybis', 'L'âme ailée' and 'L'âme ouverte' for flute and clarinet. These pieces place high technical demands on the solo violinist, requiring, for example, opposing dynamics, glissandi, vibrati, quarter and eighth-tones to be played simultaneously on two strings. This certainly justifies and arrangement for two instruments - in our case flute and clarinet in B - especially since Scelsi had already investigated the 'third dimension', microtonal sonority, with wind instruments, for example in 'Ko-Lho', written for flute and clarinet.

"'Maknongan' (1976) pour un instrument grave ou voix de basse. One of Scelsi's most ascetic pieces. It demands a complete immersion in one note (G-sharp), the differentiation of the finest nuances in sonority, and clearly shows Scelsi's interest in the abundant overtones in instruments with a deep range as well as voices (also recognizable in leaps to the next higher octave). Glissandi and quarter-tones lead the piece to its final note, G.

"'Krishna e Radha' is a joint composition originated in recorded improvisations of Giacinto Scelsi and Carin Levine. Scelsi entitled the piece 'Krishna e Radha'. Krishna e Radha are two characters described in the ancient Hinduistic Gita-Govinda poems from 1100 B.C. This piece should be performed with alight playfulness - conveying two musicians casually enjoying an evening in the company of their instruments and one another." (Stefan Fischer, tr. Anne Heritage. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Ebony-Duo

1. Piccola Suite: I. 

2. Piccola Suite: II. 

3. Piccola Suite: III. 

4. Piccola Suite: IV. 

5. Quays

6. Preghiera Per Un'ombra

7. Pwyll

8. Rucke Di Guck: I. 

9. Rucke Di Guck: II. 

10. Rucke Di Guck: III. 

11. Ko-Lho: I. 

12. Ko-Lho: II. 

13. Tre Studi: I. 

14. Tre Studi: II. 

15. Tre Studi: III. 

16. Xnoybis: I. 

17. Xnoybis: II. 

18. Xnoybis: III. 

19. Krishna E Radha

20. Maknongan

21. L'âme Ouverte

22. L'âme Ailée

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The Rita - Toe Cleavage

"With his flagship project, The Rita, Sam McKinlay has, for nearly two decades, explored and distilled into sound various permutations of fetish and vice. Recognized as the creator of wall noise, McKinlay's conceptual intent and the singular intensity of his focus established something novel and profound. McKinlay's compulsive reverence for noise is a fetish of sound. Frequently, McKinlay utilizes field recordings and other sounds sourced from the objects of interest before encrypting them in an opaque shell of noise. Listening to McKinlay's recordings, it's often difficult to determine whether one actually hears the sounds of the source material or if the power of suggestion is so strong that the listener extracts phantom sounds. In recent years, McKinlay has increasingly focused on the female form, particularly the modes of body augmentation that define classical femininity, such as make up, nylon stockings, etc. The progression of this focus culminated with the most archetypal projection of femininity in Western Culture: the ballerina, her feet, and her pointe shoes. The foot of a woman has long been identified as the most common source of unusual sexual preoccupation. 'Toe Cleavage' is the most comprehensive expression of McKinlay's recent endeavors. For the uninitiated, the term 'toe cleavage' refers to the display of the upper portions of toes in low cut shoes - an essential detail for many shoe designers. Across the seven tapes in this set, McKinlay, through his music, dissects, indulges, illustrates, and worships the feminine foot. To that end, McKinlay worked with Los Angeles based visual artist Olivia Burr and recording artist Kristin Hayter (Lingua Ignota). In addition to photographic contributions, Burr and Hayter provided much of the source material for McKinlay including: dance studio floor recordings; contact mic'd ballet shoes; and the repeated unboxing, unwrapping, trying on, walking in, and re-boxing of various designer shoes (Valentino, Miu Miu, etc.). Adding depth to the overall experience, McKinlay interspersed interludes throughout the recordings featuring audio samples derived from discussions and tutorials about pointe shoes, toe cleavage, and various designer ballet flat and stiletto reviews. This set of recordings is arguably McKinlay's most focused and obsessive effort to date and perfectly embodies the cultivated stylistic traits that have defined his work through the years. Seven-tape set come in a wooden box with a 16-page book, a colored poster, an insert drawn by Sam McKinlay in Ivory paper, and a sheet with notes. Edition of 99 (hand-numbered)." (Review from Forced Exposure. See here.)

A. Toe Technique 1 

B. Toe Technique 2 

C. Toe Cleavage Dialogue 

D. Ballet Flats 

E. Olivia Burr Sources 1 

F. Olivia Burr Sources 2 

G. Properly Walking In Pointe Shoes 

H. Properly Running In Pointe Shoes 

I. Chanel Ballet Flats 

J. Aquazzura Ballet Flats 

K. Ballet Flats Comfort 

L. Pointe Shoes Comfort 

M. Lingua Ignota Sources 1 

N. Lingua Ignota Sources 2 

mp3/v0

Christoph Willibald Gluck - L'innocenza Giustificata

"In addition to 'opera seria', there was another genre of serious opera that was important in the Baroque period, but has almost completely vanished from the awareness of today's opera-lover. We are familiar with such pieces under labels like 'serenata' or 'festa teatrale', referring to a special tradition of court opera. Here, too, serious subject are dealt with - and they tend to be edifying in character; but the extistential, tragic conflict of opera seria is missing as a rule. Such 'serenate' or 'feste' generally consisted of only two acts, and they were also substantially shorter than the 'opere serie', performances of which could easily stretch over 4-5 hours, including intervals. The serenate filled the need for entertainment and representation at court by avoiding extreme emotions - especially dark, negative ones like fear, sadness and despair -, while giving the singers ample opportunity to demonstrate their skill. Typical occasions for performing such works were provided by court festivities, e.g. the Prince's birthday celebrations, by weddings, anniversaries, state visits and similar events calling for royal representation. Nearly every 18th-century composer wrote pieces of this kind, and the appeal of such commissions lay in the chance to make one's personal mark in a work even more ritualised and more purpose-bound than was an opera seria. These subtleties are naturally not so evident to the present-day listener, especially as such compositions do not generally possess a solid plot, offering instead plenty of opportunity for moral reflection. Thus is it is not really surprising that 'serenate' and 'feste teatrale' have become conspicuous by their absence from the opera stage. But this also means that today's audiences miss out on one or two musical gems - from the allegroical 'serenate' of the late 17th and early 18th century to Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart's late contributions to the genre, 'Il Sogno di Scipione' and 'Il Ré Pastore' -, not to mention the breathtaking displays of vocal virtuosity that are part of this tradition.

"Three distinct forms are found in Christoph Willibald Gluck's early opera work: there is the 'dramma per musica', which is basically a classic three-act 'opera seria', generally setting a text by the leading librettist of the time, Pietro Metastasio; then there are one-act comic operas, some written in Italian, some set as French 'opéra-comiques'; and finally there are the three two-act 'feste teatrale' written in 1747, 1749 and 1755. 'L'innocenza giustificata' is the last of these three works; it was followed in 1760 by a serenata entitled 'Tetide', as something of an afterthought, for only two years later Gluck triggered the 'operatic reform' to which his lasting fame is largely due with 'Orfeo ed Euridice' - a work that avoids traditional nomenclature and bears the neutral description 'Azione teatrale'. From this point on, we find a diversity of style and form in Gluck's work - and indeed in that of many of his contemporaries - that gradually broke up the traditional forms of Baroque opera.

"An important role in this process was played by Giacomo Count Durazzo, manager of the Vienna Court Theatre. He had come to the Imperial court as a Genoese diplomat, and was commissioned to reorganise the Hoftheater in 1754. Recognising Gluck's exceptional talent, Durazzo did all he could to support the composer, who by this time already enjoyed substantial success all over Europe. Durazzo was a sworn enemy of the Metastasian 'opera seria', and at the same time a lover of French drama and all new developments in the world of theatre. As far as he was concerned, performances of 'opere series', 'feste teatrale' and 'serenate', and the accompanying mythological, heroic or even allegorical subjects, were best confined to specific courtly festivities. It is to one such occasion, namely the birthday celebrations of the Emperor Franz I. Stephan, that we owe the composition of 'L'innocenza giustificata'. It is indicative of the aspirations towards more modern musical drama that the two men shared that Durazzo and Gluck exploited the opportunity if not to abolish, then at least to subtly undermine the traditional formal canon. It is likely that none other than Durazzo himself was actually the anonymous author of the libretto. The aria texts are taken from various Metastasian libretti, and a short preface justifies this procedure with respect for the 'illustrious author' and Imperial court poet of many years' standing. This is actually something of a backhanded compliment, for it implies that Metastasio's texts are interchangeable and can be used at random. However, all the recitative texts, choral numbers and the entire closing scene, including the arietta no. 13, stem from Durazzo's pen. This closing scene with its large-scale choral tableau and the bizarre picture of the virgin Claudia dragging the ship single-handedly to the river bank, is most unusual from a scenographic point of view as well. Just as the truth is revealed at this stage in the plot, so Durazzo and Gluck reveal their concept of dramatic truth: at this point, scenery design, text and music leave the conventions of the serenata, hitherto carefully observed (but with clandestine parodistic intent) behind them. The arietta in the closing scene, where the miracle happens, contrasts in no uncertain fashion - in its formal freedom, with the 'realistic' interjections of the other chracters and the chorus, and above all in the strangely somnambulant expression of the melodic line, supported solely by the pizzicato strings - with the work's other arias, which adhere elegantly and effectively to the traditional rules of the genre. Only one of the preceding pieces prepares us for this unusual closing scene: Claudia's cavata, 'Fiamma ignota' (no. 7). Apart from the arietta in the finale, this is the only aria in the opera not set in the traditional three-part da capo form, thought it does at least have a self-contained two-part layout. Where Claudia endeavours to prove her innocence and to bring the truth to light, the music departs from the conventions of the form. The other numbers adhere to the conventions of the genre, but the 'search for truth' call for more individual treatment. Thus this apparently harmless 'festa teatrale' contains a clear aesthetic contrast of almost polemic intensity: it is this that makes 'L'innocenza giustificata' so special." (Ingo Dorfmüller, tr. Clive Williams. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Cappella Coloniensis, Christopher Moulds, María Bayo, Andreas Karasiak, Marina de Liso, Verònica Cangemi

1.1. Sinfonia: Allegro

1.2. Sinfonia: Andante

1.3. Sinfonia: Presto

1.4. Parte I, Scena I: 'Signor, De'cenni Tuoi'

1.5. Parte I, Scena I: 'D'atre Nubi'

1.6. Parte I, Scena II: 'Qual Presagi Funesti Minaccian Questo Dì!'

1.7. Parte I, Scena II: 'Sempre È Maggior Del Vero'

1.8. Parte I, Scena III: 'Eterni Dei, Da Questo Cor'

1.9. Parte I, Scena III: 'Guarda Pria Se In Questa Fronte'

1.10. Parte I, Scena IV: 'Ed Io Qui Resto Ancor?'

1.11. Parte I, Scena IV: 'A'giorni Suoi La Sorte'

2.1. Parte II, Scena I: 'No, Soffrirlo Non Deggio!'

2.2. Parte II, Scena I: 'Va, Ti Consola, Addio!'

2.3. Parte II, Scena II: 'Claudia, Pur Ti Riveggo'

2.4. Parte II, Scena III: 'Giovane Sventurata'

2.5. Parte II, Scena III: 'Fiamma Ignota Nell'alma Mi Scende'

2.6. Parte II, Scena IV: 'Ah, Valerio, Ah Signor!'

2.7. Parte II, Scena IV: 'Quercia Annosa Sull'erte Pendici'

2.8. Parte II, Scena V: 'Flavio, Flaminia, E Come, Ancor Temete?'

2.9. Parte II, Scena VI: 'La Meritata Palma'

2.10. Parte II, Scena VI: 'Assistetela, O Numi'

2.11. Parte II, Scena VI: 'Non È La Mia Speranza'

2.12. Parte II, Scena VI: Ritornello

2.13. Parte II, Scena VII: 'Deh Seconda, Ospite Nume'

2.14. Parte II, Scena VII: 'Contro Il Voler'

2.15. Parte II, Scena VII: 'Noto È Il Reo'

2.16. Parte II, Scena VIII: 'Si, Si, Claudia Morrà'

2.17. Parte II, Scena VIII: 'Ah Rivolgi, O Casta Diva'

2.18. Parte II, Scena VIII: 'Oh Roma...'

2.19. Parte II, Scena VIII: 'Grazie Al Ciel Che Amico Intese'

flac/16-bit

Saverio Mercadante - Il Giuramento

"During his lifetime he was hugely successful, and in his home city of Naples he could even contest the hegemony of Gaetano Donizetti as a popular favourite. Today, conversely, Saverio Mercadante occupies no more than a place in the second eleven of composers who left their mark on 19th century Italian opera. It is a fate that he shares with his contemporary, Giovanni Pacini (1796-1867), with whome he has a number of other points in common. Both were prolific composers: Mercadante wrote no fewer than sixty operas, Pacini as many as eighty-nine. And both were immensely successful, at least for a time. Both tried to lift Italian opera out of the shadow of the all-powerful Rossini, whom they none the less admired, and for this reason both of them took part in the reform movement instigated by Giuseppe Mazzini with 1836 manifesto 'Filosofia della musica'. In a letter that he wrote to his friend Francesco Florimo on 1 January 1838 Mercadante set out his ideas on reform in greater detail: among his essential point were the need to avoid coloratura writing for it own sake and the desirability of an enhanced role of the orchestra, which until then had been limited in Italian operas to the function of a mere accompanist. Finally, composers should adopt a freer approach to the strict patterns of Italian 'bel canto' opera in an attempt to achieve a more credible dramaturgy.

"However progressive these ideas may seem at first sight, many of them had in fact already been overtaken by reality. Bellini, for example, had abandoned the strict division between recitative and aria in his final operas, which include 'La sonnambula', 'Norma' and 'I Puritani'. Instead, he had introduced more fluid transitions and broken down the hitherto inviolable barrier between aria and ensemble by allowing interjections on the part of other characters. More seriously, neither Mercadante nor Pacini went as far as Verdi was later to do - and this is true even of their 'reform operas'. For it was Verdi who was to place Italian opera on a wholly new footing and thus to displace both Mercadante and Pacini in the operatic firmament. In spite of this, the younger composer owed many important ideas to his older colleagues.

"Saverio Mercadante was born at Altamura near Bari in 1795 and studied at the Real Collegio di Musica in Naples, where his teachers included Niccolò Zingarelli, who had also taught Bellini. He first attracted attention in 1818 with his cantata 'L'unione delle belle arti' and a year later enjoyed his first operatic success with 'L'apoteosi d'Ercole' at the Teatro San Carlo in Naples. From then on he devoted himself almost exclusively to the stage. Between 1827 and 1830 he was active in Spain and Portugal, returning to Italy in 1830 and ushering in the most successful phase in his career. His works were enthusiastically received, none more so than 'I normanni a Parigi', first performed at the Teatro Regio in Turin in 1832. Three years later he travelled to Paris at the invitation of Rossini. Although his opera 'I briganti', based on Schiller's 'Die Räuber', proved no more than a 'succès d'estime' when unveiled at the Théâtre Italien in 1836, the first performance of Meyerbeer's 'Les Hugeunotes' only three weeks earlier left so powerful an impression on him that he now set out to reform Italian opera, taking the characteristic feature of French grand opera as his guidelines. First performed in Milan in 1837, 'Il giuramento' was the first of his reform operas, the most successful of which was 'La vestale' (1840). By then Mercadante's star was beginning to set. He finally settled in Naples in 1840 and the following year took over from Zingarelli as director of the city's Conservatory, a post he retained until his death. He went blind in 1862 and from then on wrote mainly small-scale instrumental works. His most famous composition remains his Flute Concerto in E minor. He died in Naples in 1870.

"'Il giuramento' was written immediately after Mercadante's return from Paris. It is based on Victor Hugo's stage play 'Angelo, tyran de Padoue', which Arrigo Boito - writing under the pseudonym of Tobia Gorrio - was to use forty years later for Amilcare Ponchielli's 'La Giaconda'. Mercadante's experienced librettist, Gaetano Rossi, reduced the number of Hugo's characters even more drastically than Boito was to do for Ponchielli, and yet, in spite of this, he was not entirely successful in unravelling the somewhat tangled plot of Hugo's original, which owes much to the then popular genre of Gothic melodrama. But Mercadante was evidently not concerned by this. In his eyes it was more important to create a series of atmospherically dense scenes that would fire his musical imagination and allow him to clothe each of these scenes in a distinctive musical garb. Solo writing for individual instruments plays an important role here, notably the flute in Bianca's first-act aria and the cello in the orchestral introduction to the scene by the family tomb in Act Two, which could almost be described as a miniature cello concerto.

"Typical of Mercadante attempts to reform opera is the taut dramaturgical structure of the opening act. There is no overture. Instead, the work begins with a festive chorus for Elaisa's guests. Embdedded within this chorus is a cavatina for Viscardo, telling of his infatuation for an unkown beauty. Shortly afterwards, his antagonist is introduced by means of a second cavatina, and this in turn gives way to an aria for Elaisa that tells of her eponymous vow ('giuramento') to find the young woman who once saved her father's life. This exposition is structure along the most succinct of lines and takes place against the background of a festive gathering that at the same time provides a contrast with the very different moods of the two cavatinas and aria. The third act, too, is brief and to the point, its dramatic impact enhanced by the fact that the action moved with inexorable logic towards its tragic climax. It goes without saying that there is no room her for the virtuoso final aria that was otherwise the rule at this period.

"Mercadante has sometimes been accused of writing tunes that fail to ignite. This reproach cannot be dismissed out of hand, and yet in 'Il giuramento' in particular the composer was able to counter this by means of harmonic writing that is varied and imaginative, while remaining in the service of the work's dramatic expression. 'Il giuramento' received its first performance at La Scala, Miland, on 11 March 1837 and proved an unparalleled success in its creator's career. As he informed his friend Francesco Florimo, even Mercadante himself had doubted that he would repeat the success of 'Elisa e Claudio', which had premièred at the same theatre sixteen years earlier. 'Il giuramento' was quickly taken up by other theatres throughout Italy, passing from there to the rest of Europe. Vienna was the first foreign capital to stage the work in April 1838, followed by Barcelona, London, Brussels, Copenhagen, New York, St. Petersburg, Buenos Aires and Paris, where it was first heard in 1858. By now, however, enthusiasm for the opera had already peaked, and the number of subsequent performances declined dramatically in the second half of the 19th century. By 1900 it had virtually disappeared from international schedules, and it was not until the 1950s that there was a gradual revival of interest in Mercadante's masterpiece. One reason for this increased interest was the powerful championship of the German conductor Gerd Albrecht, who conducted a concert performance of the work in Berlin in 1974, following it up with three further performances at the Vienna State Opera in September 1979. Although his version was by no means complete - about a quarter of the work was cut - the excursions revealed considerable dramaturgical sensitivity, while at the same time removed many of the absurdities contained in the original plot.

"The then director of the Vienna State Opera, Egon Seefehlner, was particularly fond of early 19th-century Italian opera and between 1976 and 1981 mounted new production of 'Norma', 'Lucia di Lammermoor', 'L'elisir d'amore', 'La Cenerentola' and 'I Capuleti e i Montecchi'. To complement these works, he also organized a concert performance of 'Il giuramente' intended to remind Viennese audience of a composer who was a close contemporary of both Bellini and Donizette. It was a successful move, if we may judge from newspaper reviews of the time. 'Die Volkstimme' described the performance as a 'genuine rediscovery', while the 'Salzburger Nachrichten' added that it had 'pushed back our musical horizons'. Writing in the same paper, Ruediger Engerth also praised the evening's guiding light: 'The inspiration behind the evening was the conductor Gerd Albrecht, who has championed the score with self-sacrificial abandon, constantly motivating the more sceptical members of the Vienna Philharmonic and ensuring translucent playing and tactful consideration for the singers.'

"The first of the three performances took place on 9 September 1979 and is lodged in the memory of Viennese audience for two reasons. First, it marked the Vienna State Opera dèbut of the Paduan soprano Mara Zampieri, who sang Elaisa, capturing the hearts of her listeners with the intensity of a performance that never for a moment fought shy of taking vocal risks. A year later she was entrusted with the role of Obadella in a new production of Verdi's 'Attila' under the direction of Giuseppe Sinopoli. But her greatest triumph in Vienna was as Lady Macbeth in Verdi's 'Macbeth', a role that she sang for the first time in 1982, again under Sinopoli, and which she went on to perform no fewer than 39 times in Vienana between then and 2000 - more than any other role at the State Opera. Her Elaisa was also savoured by the critics, albeit with reservations. Writing in the 'Wochenpresse', for example, Walter Gürtelschmied noted that 'for the young soprano Mara Zampieri there was ample opportunity to display a large, metallically coloured voice. It was presumably first night nerves that robbed her performance of the ultimate in perfection, but there was undoubtedly more than a mere talent to discover here.

"The second reason why this performance has a permanent place in the annals of the Vienna State Opera relates to the withdrawal of one of the singers and the circumstances surrounding his replacement. Marcel Prawy, who was then principal dramaturg at the Vienna State Opera, describes what happened in his autobiography: 'The tenor Peter Dvorsky was cast in the main role. The first performance was due to take place on a Sunday. On the Thursday, Peter Dvorsky cancelled on the grounds of ill health. We knew that no one could learn this role in such a short space of time, and so the production seemed doomed. That same day Domingo turned up out of the blue. I had no idea that he was even in Vienna. He came into my office at the State Opera and asked to use my telephone. I discovered in the course of our ensuing conversation that the next three days were taken up with recordings. 'And on Sunday I'm off to Barcelona, then to New York.' I was really only intending to make a stupid joke when I said: 'You can't leave on Sunday, Plácido, you're singing 'Il giuramento' for us.' Domingo: 'Don't be silly. In the first place, what's 'Il giuramento'? And what's all this about my singing for you on Sunday? I'm not.' I may perhaps have talked up Mercadante's qualities a little. Domingo left, but within half an hour he was back and asking for a vocal score. He took it away with him. I thought to myself: Will he really step in? It's out of the question. But I immediately told Director Seefehlner what had happened. 'This is a serious development,' he said and asked to see Domingo. 'Listen, Egon,' Domingo said, 'If my recordings are finished by Saturday according to plan and if I really have to attend only one rehearsal on Saturday afternoon, I'll sing your 'Giuramento' for you on Sunday.' Domingo sang 'Il giuramento'. While all his colleagues had to follow their parts from their music stands, Domingo glanced at his score and sang and acted with a freedom that suggested he had been performing 'Il giuramento' all his life.'

"Not least because of its distinguished cast - in addition to Mara Zampieri and Plácido Domingo, it included Agnes Baltsa as Bianca - the performance was enthusiastically received. Writing in the 'Kurier', Karl Löbl had particular praise for Domingo and Baltsa: 'Domingo showed what a highly musical practitioner he is. No one in the audience would have guessed that he first set eyes on the score only four days before the performance and that he had only a single orchestra rehearsal. He turned the concert platform into a veritable stage with his powerful personal involvement, intensity of expression, flawless phrasing, subtle nuances and well-judged passion. The same was true of Frau Baltsa, who demonstrated that, however skilful is may be, singing must be an expression of something that is felt and that the voice must be a vehicle for emotions. Whenever she sings mezzo coloratura, her singing has light and shade. Whenever she shapes a cantilena, vocal sensuality also makes sense and it not a separate entity, no matter how attractive.'

"We may end by quoting Hilde Spiel, the doyenne of Viennese music critics, who, writing in the 'Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung', described as a 'gratifying experience' this 'encounter with Verdi's predecessor, a composer who brought to the great Italian number operas of Bellini, Donizette and Rossini a new veracity, a new expressive power and a new harmonic richness.'" (Peter Blaha, tr. Stewart Spencer. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Wiener Staatsopernorchester, Wiener Staatsopernchor, Gerd Albrecht, Robert Kerns, Agnes Baltsa, Mara Zampieri, Plácido Domingo, Michele Fiotta, Sylvia Herman

1.1. Atto I: 'In Ogni Intorno'

1.2. Atto I: 'La Dea Di Tutti I Cor... Bella Adorata Incognita'

1.3. Atto I: 'Elaisa! Elaisa Dov'è?'

1.4. Atto I: 'Fier Sospetto Ohimè'

1.5. Atto I: 'Oh Mio German'

1.6. Atto I: 'Voi Ci Spariste... Di Superbo Vincitor'

1.7. Atto I: 'Era Stella Del Mattino'

1.8. Atto I: 'Oh Sì, Mie Care... Or Lа, Sull'onda'

1.9. Atto I: 'Preghiamo! Ah Pregai Tanto... Bianca! Ah, Ti Trovai'

1.10. Atto I: 'Tutto È Tenebre'

1.11. Atto I: 'Fermate... Oh, Istante'

1.12. Atto I: 'Che Vedo - Manfredo! Ah'

1.13. Atto I: 'Questo Fatal Mistero... Manfredo Eccoci A Te'

2.1. Atto II: 'Vittoria! Siracusa!'

2.2. Atto II: 'Compita È Ormai La Giusta E Terribil Vendetta'

2.3. Atto II: Interludio

2.4. Atto II: 'Alla Pace Degli Eletti'

2.5. Atto II: 'Si Compia Al Giuramento'

2.6. Atto II: 'Oh! Qual Nome Prenunziaste'

2.7. Atto II: 'Viscardo! - Il Rivedrete'

2.8. Atto II: 'A Te Il Veleno O Perfida'

2.9. Atto III: 'La Posa. Bella Ancora'

2.10. Atto III: 'Eccola!'/'L'adorava Qual S'adora'

2.11. Atto III: 'Del Suo Tiranno A Piè Cadea'

2.12. Atto III: 'Viscardo'

flac/16-bit

Antonio Caldara - The Card Game; Suonata da Camera; Lungi dal'Idol Mio; Vicino a un Ri Voletto

"Antonio Caldara (c. 1670-1736) composed during the most flourishing period of the Baroque. While his contemporaries - Handel, Bach, Scarlatti and Vivaldi - are today held in higher esteem, in his own day, Caldara's vocal output was much celebrated. 18th century critic Charles Burney called him 'one of the greatest professors both for the Church and stage that Italy can boast,' and rated Caldara second only to Handel for his vocal writing.

"Caldara was born in Venice to musical parents. He was a working musician from an early age as both contralto chorister and cellist at St. Mark's in Venice, at the same time composing vocal music and his only surviving instrumental material - two collections of string works in the style of the Corelli trio sonata - one of which is presented here (Op. 2 in G Minor, Tracks 12-15). He continued to draw a salary (with pay raises) until nearly age 30 as a contralto at the Basilica. One presumes that in the end he was performing his vocal duties as a falsettist, not as a castrato - 1700 did mark the heyday of that Italian phenomenon - since Antonio Caldara married an actual female contralto with whom he sired children.

"It was the custom of the 18th century for wealthy patrons to subsidize composers. The pragmatic Caldara always played his cards wisely. He looked for a royal position and landed work in 1699 as 'maestro da chiesa e da teatro' (head of music for both church and opera house) at the court of the Duke of Mantua. His new employer was a playboy who indulged in a lavish lifestyle - women, feasts and fancy opera productions. Indeed, this Ferdinando Carlo likely served as model for Verdi's tenor in 'Rigoletto'. Caldara's position was short-lived - so was the Duke, who died mysteriously in 1708. Caldara then took another gamble. He travelled to Barcelona and the court of Charles III, offering to composer music for that monarch's forthcoming marriage to the young Elisabeth Christina of Brunswick. The Venetian composer pleased both the king and his new bride, described at the time as 'the most beautiful queen on the earth' (and later mother of Empress Maria Theresa and the grandmother of Marie Antoinette). Caldara's Spanish campaign was well calculated: Charles III was the young brother of Holy Roman Emperor Joseph I and next in line for succession.

"Following his Barcelona sojourn Caldara travelled to Rome. He again landed on his feet. For vocal music 1709 marked the high point of the Italian Baroque and Rome was its center. Here the 39-year-old composer met Handel, Corelli, and both Scarlattis. More importantly, he impressed the two principal must patrons of the day, Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni and the Prince Francesco Maria Ruspoli. The Prince hired him as his 'maestro di capella'. This period coincided with a peculiar papal ban on opera. It merely served to inspire Caldara and his contemporaries to circumvent the Vatican by composing cantatas. These non-staged, highly operatic 'miniatures' boasted texts reflecting the same drama, pastoral longing, loss and betrayal of love, and the same elaborate da capo solo arias which informed the now-banned full length works. Caldara produced more than 150 Italian cantatas during his seven years in Rome. He had at his disposal superb singers. Celebrated sopranoa Margarita Durastanti (who would later travel to London with Handel) undoubtedly premiered the lovely continuo cantata 'Lungi dal'idol mio' (offered here, Tracks 16-19). Unlike Handel and the others, Caldara also wrote a greater number of these florid solo works for contralto. Indeed, he met and married the singer Caterina Petrolli in 1711. Biographer David Charlton: 'It is easy to imagine Caldara performing on the cello, accompanying his wife's dazzling alto embellishment of the melody line of one of his cantatas.' The beautiful contralto cantata 'Vicino a un rivoletto' (Tracks 20-23) is a fine example. The composer not only gives the vocalist 'dazzling' opportunities, but wrote for himself a florid solo cello line to accompany her.

"During Caldara's tenure with Prince Ruspoli, he learned that his former Spanish patron, Charles would in fact succeed to Joseph I's throne in Vienna. The composer and his bride hurried to that city for the coronation of Charles VI, hoping to incline the new emperor and his wife to offer him a position in their court. Alas, more senior colleagues were given the posts Caldara hoped for. But royal couple did not forget Antonio Caldara, and four years later he was appointed Vice Kapellmeister in Vienna.

"Charles VI and his brother before him were the last of the reigning Hapsburg dynasty. They were highly enlightened musicians. Antonio Caldara would retain his comfortable position at the Viennese court for the final 20 years of his life, producing an immense operatic and oratorio output. The court feasts ('Hof-Feste') included operatic productions commemorating the birthdays and namedays of the royal family. The Emperor himself studied keyboard and conducting with Caldara, and his two daughter sang on these occasions as well. In summer 1734, Caldara celebrated the Empress' birthday with a charming operatic gem 'Il giuoco del Quadriglio' ('The Card Game', Tracks 1-11), for which the composer provided roles for the young archduchess Maria Theresa and his own wife Caterina. The work's sole contralto (Ottavia) is bitter and shrewish, unlike her more idealistic and jollier fellow soprano cardplayers - a reflection of things in the Caldara household? At any rate, 'Il giuoco' offers each of four female vocalists her own da capo solo turn. It is scored for strings and continuo with the delightful and unexpected appearance of flute and lute and then a final happy ending quartet for everyone. The work is listen in Grove among Caldara's cantatas - works for one or two solo voices at most - but is more properly a chamber opera or 'serenate teatrale', a popular little entertainment at the 18th century Viennese court. Maria Theresa herself would later commission Gluck to provide similar four-treble voice works for her own daughters to sing." (John Ostendorf. From the liner notes.)

Performers: The Queen's Chamber Band, Stephen Alltop, Julianne Baird, Patrice Djerejian, Laura Heimes, Judith Pannill

1. Il Giuoco Del Quadriglio: Introduzione

2. Il Giuoco Del Quadriglio: 'Da Che Giuoco Al Quadriglio'

3. Il Giuoco Del Quadriglio: 'Ah, Se Toccasse A Me'

4. Il Giuoco Del Quadriglio: 'I Soliti Lamenti'

5. Il Giuoco Del Quadriglio: 'Maledetto La Disdetta'

6. Il Giuoco Del Quadriglio: 'Cosa Volete Far? Ci Vuol Pazienza'

7. Il Giuoco Del Quadriglio: 'Che Giuoco Felice Che Perde Clarice'

8. Il Giuoco Del Quadriglio: 'Già Voi Le Cose Serie Le Ponete In Derisione'

9. Il Giuoco Del Quadriglio: 'Io Vi Leggo Nel Pensiero'

10. Il Giuoco Del Quadriglio: 'O Via La Lezione!'

11. Il Giuoco Del Quadriglio: 'Balliamtutte Quante, Che Ancor La Morale'

12. Chamber Sonata In G Minor, Op. 2 No. 2: I. Alemanda

13. Chamber Sonata In G Minor, Op. 2 No. 2: II. Corrente

14. Chamber Sonata In G Minor, Op. 2 No. 2: III. Giga

15. Chamber Sonata In G Minor, Op. 2 No. 2: IV. Gavotta

16. Lungi Dal' Idol Mio: 'Lungi Dal'idol Mio, Fra Mille'

17. Lungi Dal' Idol Mio: 'Piangi, Misero Cor, Il Sospirato Amor'

18. Lungi Dal' Idol Mio: 'Ah, Ben Previde Il Cor, Ch'a Darmi Pene'

19. Lungi Dal' Idol Mio: 'Darvi Un Guardo Solo'

20. Vicino A Un Rivoletto: Vicino A Un Rivoletto Ove Conuta E Onda

21. Vicino A Un Rivoletto: Zeffiretto Amoresetto

22. Vicino A Un Rivoletto: Ma, O Ciel, Che Insin Le Piante

23. Vicino A Un Rivoletto: Aimè, Sento Il Mio Core

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Christoph Willibald Gluck - Alceste

"Among the works for the stage written by Gluck in the 5 years between 1774 and 1779 for Paris, are not only original compositions but also new arrangements of old works. To these belong 'Orphée et Euridice' (August 1774), the two comic operas 'L'arbre enchanté' (February 1775) and 'Cythère assiégée' (August 1775) as well as the last work in the series 'Alceste' (April 1776). The changes effected in these works vary in nature and extent. The older and new version of the two comic operas are both based on French texts but in the case of 'L'Orphée et Euridice' and 'Alceste' the language problem is important and pregnant with consequences. Both these music dramas were originally composed to Italian texts by Calzabigi but in the Paris adaption French was naturally substituted for Italian which led necessarily to changes in the declamation and the melodic treatment. But the contrast between the two versions is not confined to such details. There is a greater formal variety and a more refined or at least altered tonal structure. The Vienna (Italian) and Paris (French) versions of 'Alceste' are related or identical only on the most basic level and in certain details; as artistic wholes they are independent phenomena.

"The adaption of the Italian libretto into French is the work of a man of letters called Le Blanc du Roullet (1716-1786), of aristocratic Norman ancestry, bailiff and knight of the order of Malta, who came to Vienna in about 1770, apparently as a secretary at the French embassy, and in the following years, working closely with Gluck, wrote the text for 'Iphigénie en Aulide' and helped Gluck realize his Parisian ambitions culminating in the acceptance and performance of the 'Iphigénie en Aulide' (1773/74) by the Académie royale, which led to him being considered tiresome and overbearing by Gluck's other friends and members of the institute (especially Francœur).

"Particularly significant for the new version of the text was Gluck's meeting with J.J. Rousseau in 1774, apparently in the period before the premiere of 'Iphigénie'. Gluck asked this enthusiastic admirer for an opinion on the Italian 'Alceste' which Rousseau was reluctant to give. Finally, however, he consented because 'Mr. Gluck was so insistent that I could not refuse him this kindness'. Evidently Gluck wished to profit from Rousseau's criticisms for the new version of the work. It would appear that he did in fact do so for Rousseau it was, as he himself later confirmed, who inspired the fundamental alteration in Act 2, the transfer of the court feast from the middle to the beginning of the act. It is however, probable that Gluck only began to compose the music for the French 'Alceste' on his return to Vienna at the end of March 1775. The first mention of it is in a letter to a Parisian friend and patron the Abbé François Arnaud dated 12 May 1775 in which there is a brief reference to 'Alceste'. One of the most important written documents on this subject is Gluck's letter of 1 July 1775 to du Roullet, a 'letter in 3 acts' as he jokingly describes it. Act I is concerned with the correct production of the second version of 'Cythère assiégée' of 1775, which in his view, was not being properly done in Paris. In Act 2 he speaks of a buffo libretto by an unnamed author which he had been offered, mentioned also in later letters but finally not accepted. Act 3 finally deals with 'Alceste' with unusual thoroughness. Gluck mentions in particular the dance interlude at the beginning of Act 2 which must not become too long as it is neither a solo nor a pas de deux. He wanted the views of his librettist about this. He then goes on to speak of the much discussed Act 3. Gluck does not consider the solution sent to him by du Roullet a satisfactory one, it being more suitable for an opera by Chabanon, Marmontel etc. but not for a 'masterpiece' 'Alceste'. The nature of du Roullet's finale may be inferred from Gluck's words: 'What the devil do you think Apollo is doing here with the arts, they are in their place with him on Mount Parnassus, here they interfere too much with the story.' In place of du Roullet's final apotheosis in the style of traditional French opera Gluck outlines a different solution which came to him in a 'flash' and which he considers 'infinitely better' than du Roullet's and - with disarming flattery - which 'would be a fitting crown to the beauty of your work'.

"Gluck's plan for the end of Act 3 formed the basis for further work on this difficult section of the opera which was given its premiere on 23 April 1776 in a version not substantially different from this one. Gluck also gives some indications about the performing length of the work at this stage. Act 1 takes 40 minutes and Act 3 until the arrival of Apollo takes 20 minutes so that 'Alceste' can never be a 'winter season opera'. 'Fortunately' he hastens to add. Meanwhile the final form of the work appears to have expanded. Gluck's words expressing his wish to have only a chaconne as ballet finale are very remarkable indeed. The conventional ballet finale is out of place even in 'Iphigénie en Aulide' and here ('Alceste') 'even more so'. Gluck was at that time waging a tenacious war against the French custom of following the close of an opera with a lengthy ballet. Even when writing to Franz Kruthoffer in Paris on 30 May 1775 about the opera-ballet 'Cythère assiégée' which was to be published and performed simultaneously, he expressed no wish for a final divertissement, regarding it as a 'hors d'œuvre'. In a further letter to Kruthoffer on 31 July 1775 he confirms this view and adds on a threatening note, 'What is more in future in my operas I will write no more ballet music apart from that which is part of the action and if people do not like it I will write no more operas as I have no wish to be reproached in all the papers that my ballets are weak, mediocre etc. The lousy curs will have no more of them from me and my operas will always finish with the words.' The ultimate finale of 'Alceste', however, showed that Gluck was not able to impose his will on Paris.

"Finally it may be said that Gluck's letter illuminates his relationship with this work and his view of the basic material. 'I myself go almost mad when I go through it. The nervous tension it generates lasts for too long and one is gripped by it from the first word to the last.' He compares the work a barrel of frozen wine 'of which the essence has collected in the centre, it is really delicious but too substantial to be drunk in any quantity. Woe to the poet or musician who would undertake another work of the same kind.' Gluck returns again and again to the physically overpowering nature of the material and looks forward to finishing it and having it performed soon. 'Believe me this kind of opera is very wearing', he exclaims and he is no beginning to understand why Quinault and Calzabigi introduce so many subsidiary personages who give the spectator an opportunity to relax. A work like 'Alceste', however, 'is not an amusement but a serious matter'.

"Work on 'Alceste' was once more under way and Gluck is already thinking of publishing. On 29 November he wrote to Franz Kruthoffer: 'I will shortly be sending you something of Alceste which I am thinking of having produced after Easter. Would you therefore sound Mr. Peters (to whom my compliments) to see whether he would like to have it. He is so honest that I would like to give him preference.' At the end of the month, however, he must have received an anxious 'Alceste' letter from du Roullet because in his letter of 2 December to his Parisian friend Gluck mentions new problems which must have been raised by du Roullet in the meantime. This letter, like the one dated 1 July, throws a very important light on Gluck's views. Half reluctantly half encouragingly he exclaims, 'When are you going to stop worrying about 'Alceste', do you want to become pale and thin as at the time of 'Iphigénie'?'. In a remarkable passage he then attempts to convince du Roullet that the working out of the 'Alceste' story, which is the main problem, is not as difficult as the latter believes if Gluck's plan is followed. The main ideas in the letter may be summarised as follows above all du Roullet must remember that he is writing for the opera and not a tragedy for actors. Thus the rules which bound Voltaire and Racine do not apply to him. On this subject Gluck writes the following significant words, 'Sometimes one must disregard rules, and create one's own so as to derive effective results from them'. He adds almost self-consciously revolutionary words, pointing out that 'the ancient Greeks' were men 'with a nose and two eyes like us' and we don't always have to submit to their rules. On the contrary 'we must rise above' their rules and 'break the chains' with which they would bind us and 'try to become originators ourselves'.

Gluck then continues on the subject of the two projects, his own and that of du Roullet, between which the final form of Act 3 is to be decided. First he humorously disarms the objection made by du Roullet to his own plan on the ground that, if used it would deprive the librettist of the authorship of the third act. Furthermore, he adds, du Roullet's project would turn the work into a 'reversed pyramid'. The opera begins with the choirs taking part in the action which in the first two acts is carried forward mainly by them. This means that the people are spontaneously participating and do not wish to lose their King and Queen. In Act 3, however, the choirs are no longer present. The drama, however, so Gluck insists, 'cannot end before these poor people are consoled' and he is not convinced by du Roullet's point that Apollo causes the royal pair to reappear. That is a 'hors d'œuvre' and 'dragged in by the skin of its teeth'. Moreover, Apollo appears in the guise of magician for a second time: after the change of scene from the wood of death to a splendid square it is Apollo who transports the people there by 'magic'. Furthermore the choir starts to sing suddenly 'without having been gradually prepared for its happiness'. In Gluck's sketch, however, 'everything follows on naturally without any need for miracles and the piece finishes with pomp and grandeur as it began without recourse to special effect.' Gluck adds that it is not for musical reasons that he urges the adoption of this version, for the music is here a side issue and very short anyway, but because, after repeated readings of the text, he remains unconvinced of the naturalness and good effect of du Roullet's plan. In a happy mixture of irony, courtesy, and insistence he concludes by saying that if du Roullet's mind is not set at rest by all this, then he Gluck, on his arrival in Paris would undertake to convince him - or failing that - be convinced by him. Finally he says that now he must think only of 'Alceste' so as to finish the first two acts before the departure of the courier at the beginning of January.

"At the end of the year the two first acts were ready to be despatched. In one of his last letters written to François Arnaud (31 January 1776) before his departure for Paris, Gluck again briefly outlined the 'Alceste' problem, expressing considerable doubt about the form of the third act and the solution of the drama. Although the whole is now 'smoother' than in the Italian version and, if he succeeds in inspiring choir and soloists, 'you will have a sensational work which will put you out of patience with others', on the other hand he confesses that he is not happy with the solution of Act 3. 'The opera will be like a beautiful portrait with withered hands' by which he probably means that Alcestis' awakening does not flow logically from the action and thus puts a strain on dramatic cohesion. Du Roullet too, he continues, said correctly that the action is over with the death of Alcestis. On the other hand one must consider, he said, that Euripides, no novice in theatrical matters, introduces Hercules who brings Alcestis back to life and to her husband, thus avoiding choking the life out of the piece with too many rules. This is the first time that Hercules is mentioned in the discussions concerning 'Alceste' and significantly it is by Gluck himself. Possibly is was he who, a quarter of a year later, decided to introduce the figure of Hercules.

"Gluck set out in this third and shortest Paris journey before the middle of February 1776. He arrived in Paris at the beginning of March and his first care was to complete Act 3. Together with du Roullet he must have accomplished this in a few days as the libretto was passed by the censor and ready for printing on March 19th. As stated on the title page of the printed text the premiere had been fixed for Tuesday, 16 April 1776. However, probably due to the Easter holidays, there was insufficient rehearsal time and the performance was postponed for 8 days until Tuesday, 23 April. This change could not be included in the libretto already in print. On 20 April the 'Mémoires secrets' mention th announcement of the opera and describe it as 'sad, lugubrious, horrifying'. It is mentioned again on 23 April, the day of the premiere, referring to the announcement of the libretto, noted with a certain reserve. It remains to be seen, thus significantly, whether the French musical public will be of the same opinion. The general view after rehearsals was that the first two acts of 'Alceste' were 'lovely' but the last act 'worthless'. The weak points of the work, ever again a subject of critical discussion, were thus highlighted.

"After a few performances, the negative reaction of critics and public, as well as their own doubt, cause Gluck and du Roullet to make radical alterations to Act 3. On 6 May the 'Mémoires secrets' announce that changes are expected in the next day's performance of 'Alceste'. Gluck himself is full of confidence, convinced that if his work is not succesful immediately then it would be the following year or in 10 years, because his music mirrors nature faithfully and is very true to life. If one relies on the 'Mémoires secrets' of 12 May then it would appear that it was only in the 6th performance on Friday, 10 Myay that the much discussed changes were introduced, above all the figure of Hercules. The 'Mémoires secrets' of 12 May report that the house was full and very excited about the new form of the work which had been awaited for several performances. Nevertheless the piece gained nothing and Gluck's serious admirers would prefer the older version. M. Grimm too mentions the introduction of Hercules, who, although he does not appear on a cloud like a god yet appears at the beginning of Act 3 as if 'fallen from the heavens'. According to Grimm there were several further alterations. At first Hercules repulsed the furies with blows of his club (scene 5) thus preventing them from seizing Alcestis. The effect of this was ridiculous so then the furies were to be permitted to seize their victim. Alcestis was to disappear inside the dark gates of the underworld. Admetus in the utmost despair makes to follow her but is held back by Hercules who saves Alcestis and restores her to her husband." (Rudolf Gerber, tr. Ruth von Csorba. From the liner notes.)

Performers: Chor und Symphonieorchester des Bayerischen Rundfunks, Serge Baudo, Jessye Norman, Nicolai Gedda, Tom Krause, Bernd Weild, Siegmund Nimsgern

1.1. Ouverture

1.2. Acte I: 'Dieux! Rendez-nous Roi, Notre Pere'

1.3. Acte I: 'O Malheureux Admete!'

1.4. Acte I: 'Dieu Puissant! Ecarte Du Trone'

1.5. Acte I: 'Immortel Apollon!'

1.6. Acte I: 'Ou Suis-je? O Malheureuse Alceste!'

1.7. Acte I: 'Tes Destins Sont Remplis'

1.8. Acte I: 'Divinites Du Styx'

2.1. Acte II: 'Que Les Plus Doux Transports Succèdent Aux Alarmes'

2.2. Acte II: 'Ô Mon Roi! Notre Appui! Notre Père!'

2.3. Acte II: 'Cher Époux!'

2.4. Acte II: 'Grands Dieux! Pour Mon Époux, J'implore Vos Secours'

3.1. Acte III: 'Nous Ne Pouvons Trop Répandre De Larmes'

3.2. Acte III: 'Après De Longs Travaux'

3.3. Acte III: 'Grands Dieux, Soutenez Mon Courage!'

3.4. Acte III: 'Ciel Admète! Ô Moment Terrible!'

3.5. Acte III: 'Ami, Leur Rage Est Vaine'

3.6. Acte III: 'Poursuis, Digne Fils!'

3.7. Acte III: 'Et Vous, Qui Vous Montrez À Vos Rois'

3.8. Acte III: 'Reçois, Dieu Bienfaisant'

3.9. Acte III: 'A Mes Amis'

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Christoph Willibald Gluck - Iphigenie in Aulis

"The action takes place at Aulis, at the outsets of the Trojan War.

"Act 1: The Greek camp. The Greek army waits for a favorable wind to take them to Troy. Calchas, the priest, has told King Agamemnon that the goddess Artemis demands the sacrifice of his daughter Iphigenia if he wants the revenge on Troy to be successful. Agamemnon wants to renounce the victory rather than sacrifice his daughter. Therefore, he sends his major, Arcas, to Mycenae to prevent his wife, Clytemnestra, and his daughter from coming to the camp, by using the pretext that Achilles has been unfaithful to his bride, Iphigenia. But Arcas misses the two ladies. Admired and praised by the Greek soldiers, they enter the camp. Here at last Arcas can reach and inform them. Achilles, at first greeted with much reserve by Iphigenia, swears his unchanged love and honesty. Together they ask for Jove's benediction.

"Act 2: The royal tent. The women adorn Iphigenia for her wedding. Achilles appears to lead her to the altar. The people rejoice and the wedding ceremony is about to start. At this moment Arcas comes and tells the people that Iphigenia shall be sacrificed according to the demand of the goddess and that Agamemnon is agreeable. A great protest arises. Achilles wants to save his bride with his own life. Now Agamemnon himself is unable to execute the sacrifice and asks Arcas to flee with the two ladies.

"Act 3: In front of the royal tent. The Greek soldiers, burning to fight against Troy, challenge the sacrifice. Iphigenia is willing to die for her people. In spite of Achilles' supplications and her mother's and the women's despair she remains firm.

"While everything is prepared for the execution Achilles rushes on with his warriors, takes Iphigenia from the altar and puts her into the arms of her mother. Calchas announces that Artemis, calmed in her rage by Iphigenia's courage, the faithfulness of her mother and Achilles' brave interference, renounces the sacrifice. (In Wagner's adaption, which this recording presents, the goddess apears on a cloud and carries Iphigenia away to Taursis.)" (Synopsis from the liner notes.)

Performers: Münchner Rundfunkorchester, Chor Des Bayerischen Rundfunks, Kurt Eichhorn, Dietrich Fischer-Dieskau, Trudelise Schmidt, Anna Moffo, Ludovic Spiess, Thomas Stewart, Arleen Auger, Bernd Weikl, Nicolaus Hillerband

1.1. Ouverture

1.2. Akt I: 'O Artemis, Erzürnte!'

1.3. Akt I: 'Langer Darfst Du Nicht Widerstreben!'

1.4. Akt I: 'Du Siehst, Wie Laut Das Heer Schon Wütet'

1.5. Akt I: 'Klytemnestra Mit Der Tochter'

1.6. Akt I: 'Grausame Götter!'

1.7. Akt I: 'Wie Gerne Hort Mein Ohr Dieses Schmeichelnde Lob'

1.8. Akt I: 'Laßt Uns Allein!'

1.9. Akt I: 'Hab' Ich Recht Gehört?'

1.10. Akt I: 'Ist's Ein Traum, Der Mich Tauscht!'

1.11. Akt II: 'Laß Deine Brust Freude Durchwallen'

1.12. Akt II: 'Umsonst Wähnet Ihr Meine Sorgen Zu Täuschen!'

1.13. Akt II: 'Meine Tochter, Bald Macht Hymen Dich Glücklich'

1.14. Akt II: 'Singt Laut Und Erhebt Eure Königin!'

2.1. Akt II: 'Der Ehe Holder Gott!'

2.2. Akt II: 'Achill! Sieh Hier Vor Dir Mich Knie'n!'

2.3. Akt II: 'Fürstin, Beruh'ge Dich!'

2.4. Akt II: 'Folg Mir, Du Treuer!'

2.5. Akt II: 'Ha, Er Kommt!'

2.6. Akt II: 'Ihr Wachen Her!'/'O Du, Die Ich So Innig Liebe'

2.7. Akt III: 'Nein, Nein, Nimmer Dulden Wir Das'

2.8. Akt III: 'Das Los, Das Mir Beschieden (Iphigenia, Achilles)

2.9. Akt III: 'Weh Mir! In Welchem Wahn Seh Ich Dein Herz Befangen!'

2.10. Akt III: 'Er Geht, Er Flieht!'

2.11. Akt III: 'Meine Tochter! Wo Ist Meine Tochter?'

2.12. Akt III: 'Du Gottheit, Groß Und Hehr, Sei Gnädig Unserm Werk'

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